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How Many Manufacturing Workers Are There in the United States?

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Every president dating back to at least Ronald Reagan, who took office in January 1981, has promised to increase manufacturing employment. Manufacturing jobs are often seen as making it possible for workers without a college degree to earn a middle-class income. As the following figure shows, though, since 2018, average hourly earnings of workers in manufacturing have actually been less than average hourly earnings of all workers.

If we look at just the wages of production and nonsupervisory workers in manufacturing—like the workers shown in the image above—during the past 20 years, the average hourly earnings of production workers in manufacturing have generally been about 20 percent less than the average hourly earnings of all workers.

The following figure shows the absolute number of all employees in manufacturing (the blue line) and production and nonsupervisory employees in manufacturing monthly since 1939. Employment of production workers peaked in 1943, during World War II. Employment of all employees in manufacturing peaked in 1979. (All employees in manufacturing include, in addition to production workers, managers and other employees with administrative duties, accountants, lawyers, salespeople, and all other employees not directly concerned with production.) The trend in manufacturing employment has generally been downward since 1979 and has been below 13 million every month since December 2008. In January 2026, there were 12.6 million total employees in manufacturing of whom 8.8 million were production workers.

The following figure shows manufacturing employment as a percentage of total employment for each month since 1939. Manufacturing employment peaked as percentage of total employment at 38.7 percent in 1943. It has slowly trended down since that time, being below 10 percent every month since September 2007. In January 2026, manufacturing employment was 7.9 percent of total employment.

All of the data in the figurs shown so far are from the establishment survey (formally, the Current Employment Statistics (CES)). Recently, Adam Ozimek, Benjamin Glasner, and Jiaxin He of the Economic Innovation Group have examined the discrepancy between the number of manufacturing workers as reported in establishment survey and the larger number of manufacturing workers reported in the household survey (formally, the Current Population Survey (CPS).) Each month when the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) releases its “Employment Situation” report, usually referred to as the “jobs report,” attention focuses on two numbers: The change in total employment as calculated from the establishment survey and the unemployment rate as calculated from the household survey.

In addition to the unemployment rate, the BLS releases monthly data on total employment and on employment by industry from the household survey. Most economists, policymakers, and investment analysts pay little attention to the data on employment by industry from the household survey because the employment by industry data from the establishment survey is considered more reliable. In fact, the employment by industry data from the household survey isn’t included among the many macro series available on the FRED site. The following figure reproduces the two establishment survey (CES) data (the blue and red lines) shown in the third figure above along with the household survey (CPS) data (the green line) from the BLS site. (Note that the household survey data is choppier than the data in the other two series because it is not seasonally adjusted.)

Manufacturing employment is consistently larger in the household survey data than in the establishment survey data. For example, in January 2026, total manufacturing employment according to the establishment survey was 12.6 million, whereas total manufacturing employment according to the household survey was 15.4 million—a difference of 2.7 million. Put another way, if the household survey is accurate, manufacturing employment is actually 20 percent higher than it appears from the widely-used establishment survey data.

The establishment survey data is collected by surveying firms, whereas the household survey data is collected from surveying workers. In other words, in January, 2.7 million more workers considered themselves to be in manufacturing than firms reported were actually working in manufacturing. Typically, economists and policymakers consider results from the establishment survey to be more reliable because firms are legally obliged to keep accurate accounts of the number of their employees, whereas the answers from workers responding to surveys are accepted without additional checking.

Ozimek, Glasner, and He note that the persistence of a gap between the establishment and household data on manufacturing employment indicates that there are some establishments that the census considers to be engaged in some activity other than manufacturing but whose workers consider themselves to be in manufacturing. The authors present a careful discussion of the issues involved and the entire piece (linked to above) is worth reading carefully by anyone who is concerned about this issue, but we can mention here one particularly interesting point.

The authors link to a paper by Andrew Bernard and Theresa Fort of Dartmouth College discussing “factoryless goods producing firms,” which are “manufacturing-like as they perform many of the tasks and activities found in manufacturing firms” but that don’t actually manufacture goods. Ozimek, Glasner, and He give as one example Apple’s Elk Grove, California site. They note that at one time Apple assembled computers at that site but that currently “there is no assembly at that location, but thousands of Apple employees work there on logistics, distribution, repair, and customer support.” In other words, the site contributes to manufacturing Apple’s products and, if surveyed, many of its employees might respond that they work in manufacturing, but because no products are actually assembled at the site, the site won’t be considered as engaged in manufacturing by the establishment survey. They conclude that: “These sorts of employees—who work adjacent to manufacturing, but not in categorized establishments—make up a big chunk of the 2.2 to 2.8 million missing manufacturing workers.”

Clearly, an important issue in an accurate count of manufacturing workers is a definition of what we mean by manufacturing. Should a particular site—establishment—be considered as engaged in manufacturing only if products are assembled at that site? Or should a site be considered as engaged in manufacturing if its purpose is to support assembly that is done elsewhere?

Because the number of manufacturing workers and the fraction of the labor force engaged in manufacturing have been important political issues for decades, it’s somewhat surprising how little attention has been devoted to ensuring that we’re actually correctly measuring manufacturing employment.

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New Real GDP Data Shows that Growth Slowed Substantially in the Fourth Quarter … or Did It?

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Recent macro data had been showing relatively strong growth in output and steady growth in employment. This morning’s release of the initial estimate of real GDP growth for the fourth quarter of 2025 from the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) was expected to show continuing solid growth. (The report can be found here.) Instead, the BEA estimates that real GDP increased in the fourth quarter by only 1.4 percent measured at an annual rate. Growth was down sharply from the 4.4 percent increase in the third quarter of 2025. Economists surveyed by the Wall Street Journal had forecast a 2.5 percent increase. The following figure shows the estimated rates of GDP growth in each quarter beginning with the first quarter of 2021.

As the following figure—taken from the BEA report—shows, the decline in real government expenditures of –0.90 percent at an annual rate was the most important factor contributing to the slowing growth in real GDP during the fourth quarter. The decline in government expenditures is largely attributable to the federal government shutdown, which lasted from October 1, 2025 to November 12, 2025.

As we’ve discussed in previous blog posts, to better gauge the state of the economy, policymakers—including Fed Chair Jerome Powell—often prefer to strip out the effects of imports, inventory investment, and government expenditures—which can be volatile—by looking at real final sales to private domestic purchasers, which includes only spending by U.S. households and firms on domestic production. As the following figure shows, real final sales to domestic purchasers increased by 2.4 percent at an annual rate in the fourth quarter, which was well above the 1.4 percent increase in real GDP and also above the U.S. economy’s expected long-run annual real growth rate of 1.8 percent. Note also that real final sales to private domestic purchasers grew by 2.9 percent in the third quarter, during which real GDP grew by 4.4 percent, and by 1.9 percent in the first quarter of 2025, when real GDP declined by 0.6 percent. So this measure of output is more stable and likely is a better indicator of the underlying growth rate in the economy than is growth in real GDP.

The BEA report this morning also included quarterly data on the personal consumption expenditures (PCE) price index. The Fed relies on annual changes in the PCE price index to evaluate whether it’s meeting its 2 percent annual inflation target. The following figure shows headline PCE inflation (the blue line) and core PCE inflation (the red line)—which excludes energy and food prices—for the period since the first quarter of 2019, with inflation measured as the percentage change in the PCE from the same quarter in the previous year. In the fourth quarter of 2025, headline PCE inflation was 2.8 percent, up slightly from 2.7 percent in the third quarter. Core PCE inflation in the third quarter was 2.9 percent, unchanged from the third quarter. Both headline PCE inflation and core PCE inflation remained above the Fed’s 2 percent annual inflation target.

The following figure shows quarterly PCE inflation and quarterly core PCE inflation calculated by compounding the current quarter’s rate over an entire year. Measured this way, headline PCE inflation increased to 2.9 percent in the fourth quarter of 2025, up from to 2.8 percent in the third quarter. Core PCE inflation fell to 2.7 percent in the fourth quarter of 2025 from 2.9 percent in the third quarter. Measured this way, both core and headline PCE inflation were also above the Fed’s target.

Today was also notable for a decision from the U.S. Supreme Court that invalidated some of the Trump administration’s tariff increases that began to be implemented in April 2025. President Trump announced this afternoon that he would impose a new 10 percent across-the-board tariff, relying on Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974, rather than on the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA), which the Supreme Court ruled today did not authorize presidents to unilaterally impose tariffs.

Today’s developments appeared unlikely to have much effect on the views of the members of the Fed’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC). The FOMC is unlikely to lower its target for the federal funds rate at its next meeting on March 17–18. The probability that investors in the federal funds futures market assign to the FOMC keeping its target rate unchanged at that meeting increased only slightly from 94.6 percent yesterday to 96.0 percent this afternoon.

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CPI Inflation Comes in Lower than Expected

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There was good news this morning on inflation. (Although maybe not quite good enough to justify the exuberance of the people in the AI-generated image above!) The Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) released its report on the consumer price index (CPI) for January. The following figure compares headline CPI inflation (the blue line) and core CPI inflation (the red line). Because of the effects of the federal government shutdown, the BLS didn’t report inflation rates for October or November, so both lines show gaps for those months. (Today’s report was delayed two days by the recent brief government shutdown.)

  • The headline inflation rate, which is measured by the percentage change in the CPI from the same month in the previous year, was 2.4 percent in January, down from 2.7 percent in December. 
  • The core inflation rate, which excludes the prices of food and energy, was 2.5 percent in January, down from 2.6 percent in December. 

Headline inflation was lower than the forecast of economists surveyed by FactSet, while core inflation was at the forecast rate.

In the following figure, we look at the 1-month inflation rate for headline and core inflation—that is the annual inflation rate calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. Calculated as the 1-month inflation rate, headline inflation (the blue line) was 2.1 percent in January, down from 3.6 percent in December. Core inflation (the red line) increased to 3.6 percent in January from 2.8 percent in December.

The 1-month and 12-month headline inflation rates are telling similar stories, with both measures indicating that the rate of price increase is running slightly above the Fed’s 2 percent inflation target. The 1-month core inflation rate shows inflation running well above the Fed’s target.

Of course, it’s important not to overinterpret the data from a single month. The figure shows that the 1-month inflation rate is particularly volatile. Also note that the Fed uses the personal consumption expenditures (PCE) price index, rather than the CPI, to evaluate whether it is hitting its 2 percent annual inflation target.

In recent months, there have been many media reports on how consumers are concerned about declining affordability. These concerns are thought to have contributed to Zohran Mamdani’s victory in New York City mayoral race. Affordability has no exact interpretation but typically means concern about inflation in goods and services that consumers buy frequently. 

Many consumers seem worried about inflation in food prices. The following figure shows 1-month inflation in the CPI category “food at home” (the blue bar)—primarily food purchased at groceries stores—and the category “food away from home” (the red bar)—primarily food purchased at restaurants. Inflation in both measures fell in January from the very high leves of December. Food at home increased 2.3 percent in January, down sharply from up from 7.8 percent in December. Food away from home increased 1.8 percent in January, also down sharply from 8.7 percent in December. Again, 1-month inflation rates can be volatile, but the deceleration in inflation in food prices would be a welcome development if it can be sustained in future months.

There was also good news in the falling price of gasoline. The following figure shows 1-month inflation in gasoline prices. In January the price of gasoline fell at an annual rate of 32.2 percent, after having fallen at an annual rate of 4.0 percent in December. As those values imply, 1-month inflation rates in gasoline are quite volatile.

The affordability discussion has also focused on the cost of housing. The price of shelter in the CPI, as explained here, includes both rent paid for an apartment or a house and “owners’ equivalent rent of residences (OER),” which is an estimate of what a house (or apartment) would rent for if the owner were renting it out. OER is included in the CPI to account for the value of the services an owner receives from living in an apartment or house. The following figure shows 1-month inflation in shelter. 

One-month inflation in shelter decreased to 2.7 percent in January from 4.7 in December, which is also good news if it can be sustained.

What effect have the tariffs that the Trump administration announced on April 2 had on inflation? (Note that many of the tariff increases announced on April 2 have since been reduced.) There has been a debate among policymakers and economists as to whether the full effects of tariff increases have already shown up in prices of final goods. In his press conference following the last meeing of the Fed’s Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC), Fed Chair Jerome Powell indicated that he believed that tariffs would cause further price increases later in the year:

“The U.S. economy has pushed right through [the tariff increases]. Partly that is—that the way that what was implemented was significantly less than what was announced at the beginning. In addition, other countries didn’t retaliate, and, in addition, a good part of it hasn’t been passed through to consumers yet. It’s being—it’s being taken by companies that stand between the consumer and the exporter.”

The following figure shows 12-month inflation in durable goods—such as furniture, appliances, and cars—which are likely to be affected directly by tariffs, and 12-month inflation in services, which are less likely to be affected by tariffs. In January, inflation in durable goods was 0.4 percent, down from 1.2 percent in December. Inflation in services was 3.2 percent in January, down slightly from 3.3 percent in December. So to this point, upward pressure on goods prices from the tariffs is not reflected in the most recent data.


It’s unlikely that this inflation report will have much effect on the views of the members of the FOMC. The FOMC is unlikely to lower its target for the federal funds rate at its next meeting on March 17–18. The probability that investors in the federal funds futures market assign to the FOMC keeping its target rate unchanged at that meeting declined only slightly from 91.6 percent yesterday to 90.2 percent after the release of today’s inflation report.

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Healthcare Jobs Dominate Employment Growth in the United States

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It’s not surprising that employment in health care has been increasing. The National Health Expenditure (NHE) Projections Model of the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services estimates that the long-run income elasticity of demand for private personal health care spending is 1.58. So, a 10 percent increase in U.S. disposable personal income will result in the long run in a 15.8 percent increase in private personal health care spending. In other words, we would expect personal health care spending to become an increasing fraction of total household spending. In addition, the median age of the U.S. population has increased from 32.9 years in 1990 to a projected 40.1 years in 2025. As people age, their demand for health care increases. Finally, holding income and age constant, demand for health care has also increased as a result of the increasing effectiveness of medical care in treating disease.

Despite these long-run trends, it’s surprising how dependent increases in U.S. employment have become recently on the growth in health care jobs. The following figure shows monthly changes in a broad measure of health care employment (the blue bars) and in total nonfarm employment (the red bars), using data from the establishment survey from the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS). (This blog post yesterday discussed the latest “Employment Situation” report from the BLS.)

The values for January 2023 through December 2024 show what we might expect—the increase in total employment being significantly larger than the increase in health care employment. During this period, health care employment was about 48.5 percent of total employment. In other words, although health care employment was a key driver of increases in employment, non-health care employment was also steadily increasing. The situation since January 2025 is much different with health care employment increasing by 817,000, while total employment increased by only 311,000. In other words, since January 2025, employment outside of health care (again, broadly defined) has fallen by more than 500,000 jobs.

We can look at longer term trends in health care employment relative to employment in other industries. The following maps show the change over time in the industry with the most employment in each state, using data from the BLS’s “Quarterly Census of Employment and Wages.” The industries are grouped into four broad categories: manufacturing, retail trade, leisure and hospitality, and health care. (Industries are defined as follows using the North American Industry Classification System (NAICS): Manufacturing is NAICS 31–33, Retail trade is NAICS 44–45, Leisure and hospitality is NAICS 72, and health care is NAICS 62.)

In 1990, manufacturing was the largest source of private employment in most states, and in no state was health care the largest employer. By 2000, manufacturing was still the largest employer in 27 states, but health care had become the largest employer in 2 states. The results for 2024 are strikingly different: Manufacturing was no longer the largest employer in any state, and health care was the largest employer in 48 states—every state except for Hawaii and Nevada.

In 1990, almost twice as many people in the United States worked in manufacturing as worked in health care. In 2024, employment in health care was 80 percent greater than employment in manufacturing. And these trends are likely to continue. The BLS forecast in 2025 that 12 of the 20 fastest-growing occupations over the next 10 years will be in health care.

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Surprisingly Strong Jobs Report Accompanied by a Large Downward Annual Benchmark Revision

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This morning (February 11), the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) released its “Employment Situation” report (often called the “jobs report”) for January. The report was originally scheduled to be released last Friday but was postponed by the brief federal government shutdown. The data in the report show that the labor market was much stronger than expected in January. 

The jobs report has two estimates of the change in employment during the month: one estimate from the establishment survey, often referred to as the payroll survey, and one from the household survey. As we discuss in Macroeconomics, Chapter 9, Section 9.1 (Economics, Chapter 19, Section 19.1), many economists and Federal Reserve policymakers believe that employment data from the establishment survey provide a more accurate indicator of the state of the labor market than do the household survey’s employment data and unemployment data. (The groups included in the employment estimates from the two surveys are somewhat different, as we discuss in this post.)

According to the establishment survey, there was a net increase of 130,000 nonfarm jobs during January. This increase was well above the increase of 55,000 that economists surveyed by the Wall Street Journal had forecast.  Economists surveyed by Bloomberg had a higher forecast of 65,000 net jobs. The BLS revised downward its previous estimates of employment in November and December by a combined 17,000 jobs. (The BLS notes that: “Monthly revisions result from additional reports received from businesses and government agencies since the last published estimates and from the recalculation of seasonal factors.”)

The following figure from the jobs report shows the net change in nonfarm payroll employment for each month in the last two years. The increase in net jobs in January was the largest since December 2024.

The unemployment rate, which is calculated from data in the household survey, fell from 4.4 percent in December to 4.3 percent in January. As the following figure shows, the unemployment rate has been remarkably stable over the past year and a half, staying between 4.0 percent and 4.4 percent in each month since May 2024. The Federal Open Market Committee’s current estimate of the natural rate of unemployment—the normal rate of unemployment over the long run—is 4.2 percent. So, unemployment is slightly above the natural rate. (We discuss the natural rate of unemployment in Macroeconomics, Chapter 9 and Economics, Chapter 19.)

As the following figure shows, the monthly net change in jobs from the household survey moves much more erratically than does the net change in jobs from the establishment survey. As measured by the household survey, there was a net increase of 528,000 in January, far above the increase in jobs from the payroll survey. (Note that because of last year’s shutdown of the federal government, there are no data for October or November.) In any particular month, the story told by the two surveys can be inconsistent. In this case, both surveys indicate unexpectedly strong job growth, with the increase in household employment being particularly strong. (In this blog post, we discuss the differences between the employment estimates in the two surveys.)

The household survey has another important labor market indicator: the employment-population ratio for prime age workers—those workers aged 25 to 54. In January the ratio was 80.9 percent, the highest since September 2024. In addition to matching the recent highs reached in mid-2024, the prime-age employment-population ratio is above what the ratio was in any month since April 2001. The continued high levels of the prime-age employment-population ratio indicates some continuing strength in the labor market.

The Trump Administration’s layoffs of some federal government workers are clearly shown in the estimate of total federal employment for October, when many federal government employees exhausted their severance pay. (The BLS notes that: “Employees on paid leave or receiving ongoing severance pay are counted as employed in the establishment survey.”) As the following figure shows, there was a decline federal government employment of 166,000 in October, with additional declines in the following three months. The total decline in federal government employment since the beginning of February 2025 is 324,000.

The establishment survey also includes data on average hourly earnings (AHE). As we noted in this post, many economists and policymakers believe the employment cost index (ECI) is a better measure of wage pressures in the economy than is the AHE. The AHE does have the important advantage of being available monthly, whereas the ECI is only available quarterly. The following figure shows the percentage change in the AHE from the same month in the previous year. The AHE increased 3.7 percent in January, the same as in December.

The following figure shows wage inflation calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. (The figure above shows what is sometimes called 12-month wage inflation, whereas this figure shows 1-month wage inflation.) One-month wage inflation is much more volatile than 12-month wage inflation—note the very large swings in 1-month wage inflation in April and May 2020 during the business closures caused by the Covid pandemic. In January, the 1-month rate of wage inflation was 5.0 percent, up from 0.7 percent in December. This increase in wage growth may be an indication of a strengthening labor market. But one month’s data from such a volatile series may not accurately reflect longer-run trends in wage inflation.

In today’s jobs report, the BLS also included its final annual benchmark revision to the establishment employment data. (We discussed the preliminary annual revision in this blog post last September.) The following table from the jobs report indicates that the revision was quite substantial. The revised estimate of payroll employment is 1,029,000 jobs lower than the original estimate. The increase in total nonfarm employment in 2025 was revised down to only 181,000 from the original estimate of 584,000. Leaving aside the collapse in employment in 2020 during the Covid pandemic, job growth in 2025 was the slowest since 2010 in the immediate aftermath of the Great Recession of 2007–2009.

Despite the large downward revision to job growth in 2025, the strong job growth for January in today’s jobs report makes it unlikely that the Federal Reserve’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) will lower its target for the federal funds rate at its next meeting on March 17–18. The probability that investors in the federal funds futures market assign to the FOMC keeping its target rate unchanged at that meeting jumped from 79.9 percent yesterday to 92.1 percent after the release of today’s jobs report.

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December JOLTS Report Shows Possible Labor Market Weakening

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Today (February 5), the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) released its “Job Openings and Labor Turnover” (JOLTS) report for December 2025. The report indicated that labor market conditions may be weakening. The following figure shows that the rate of job openings fell to 3.9 percent in December from 4.2 percent in November. The rate was 4.5 percent in October. The job openings rate is the lowest since April 2020, at the start of the Covid pandemic. We should note the usual caveat that the monthly JOLTS data is subject to potentially large revisions as the BLS receives more complete data.

(The BLS defines a job opening as a full-time or part-time job that a firm is advertising and that will start within 30 days. The rate of job openings is the number of job openings divided by the number of job openings plus the number employed workers, multiplied by 100.)

In the following figure, we show a measure of the state of the labor market that economists frequently use: the total number of job openings to the total number of people unemployed. In December there were 0.87 job openings per unemployed person, the lowest value for that measure since March 2021, during the recovery from the pandemic. The value was 1.0 in September. (Note that data for October and November are unavailable because the data weren’t collected during the shutdown of the federal government from October 1 to November 12 last year.) The value for December is well below the 1.21 job openings per employed person in February 2020, just before the pandemic. (Note that, as we discussed in this blog post, the employment-population ratio for prime age workers, which many economists consider a key measure of the state of the labor market, rose in December, putting it above what the ratio was in any month during the period from January 2008 to February 2020.)

The rate at which workers are willing to quit their jobs is an indication of how they perceive the ease of finding a new job. As the following figure shows, the quit rate declined slowly from a peak of 3 percent in late 2021 and early 2022 to 2.0 percent in August 2024, the same value as in December 2025. That rate is below the rate during 2019 and early 2020. By this measure, workers’ perceptions of the state of the labor market have remained remarkably stable over the last year and a half.

Overall, this JOLTS report is consistent with what some economists have labeled a “slow hire, slow fire” labor market. Fed Chair Jerome Powell’s remarks at his press conference following the last meeting of the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) indicates that Fed policymakers share this view, which Powell believes complicates monetary policymaking:

“So there are lots of … little places that suggest that the labor market has softened, but part of … payroll job softening is that both the supply and demand for labor has come down … growth in those two have come down. So that makes it a difficult time to read the labor market. So, imagine they both came down a lot, to the point where there is no job growth. Is that full employment? In a sense it is. If demand and supply are … in balance, you could say that’s full employment. At the same time, is it—do we really feel like … that’s a maximum employment economy? It’s a challenging—it’s very challenging and quite unusual situation.”

The BLS was scheduled to release its monthly “Employment Situation” report (often called the “jobs report”) for January 2026 tomorrow. Because of the temporary lapse in funding that began Saturday, the report will instead be released next Wednesday, February 11. That report will provide additional data on the state of the labor market. (Note that the data in the JOLTS report lag the data in the “Employment Situation” report by one month.)

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President Trump Nominates Kevin Warsh to be Fed Chair

Photo of Kevin Warsh from Bloomberg News via the Wall Street Journal

This morning, President Trump ended the suspense over who he would nominate for Chair of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve by choosing Kevin Warsh. Warsh was considered one of the four finalists, along with Kevin Hassett, director of the National Economic Council, Fed Governor Christopher Waller, and Rick Rieder, who is an executive at BlackRock, an investment firm.

Warsh had been appointed to the Board of Governors in 2006 by President George W. Bush. Warsh was the youngest person ever appointed to the Board and served from 2006 to 2011. He is generally credited with having been heavily involved in formulating policy during the Great Financial Crisis of 2007–2009. He, along with Fed Chair Ben Bernanke, Fed Governor Donald Kohn, and New York Fed President Timothy Geithner were labeled the “four musketeers” of monetary policy during that period. (We discuss the reasons why during that period Bernanke relied on a small group for policymaking in Money, Banking, and the Financial System, Chapter 13.)

Warsh had been considered an inflation hawk, which would indicate that he would be in favor of keeping the target for the federal funds relatively high until inflation returns to the Fed’s 2 percent annual target and would also want to shrink the Fed’s balance sheet by continuing quantitative tightening (QT). Warsh’s current views are summarized in an op-ed he wrote for the Wall Street Journal in November titled” The Federal Reserve’s Broken Leadership” (a subscription may be required). In that op-ed, Warsh seems to advocate that the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) should be lowering its target for the federal funds rate more quickly. Presumably, Warsh’s views on appropriate monetary policy will be discussed at his confirmation hearing.

Assuming that Warsh has sufficient support in the Senate to be confirmed there remains the question of which seat on the Board of Governors he will fill. Current Chair Jerome Powell’s term as chair expires on May 15, 2026. If Powell follows recent precedent, he will step down when his term as chair ends, providing an open seat that Warsh can fill. But Powell’s term as a Fed governor doesn’t end until January 31, 2028, so he could chose to remain on the board until that time. If Powell doesn’t step down, Warsh would presumably fill the seat currently occupied by Stephen Miran, whose term technically ends tomorrow (January 31). Miran will likely remain on the board until Warsh is confirmed.

The Wall Street Journal printed a useful graphic showing the current membership of the board. Powell is listed with the Presidents Obama and Biden’s appointees because he was first appointed to the board by President Obama in 2012. But Powell was appointed as Fed chair by President Trump in 2018. He was reappointed as chair by President Biden in 2022. If Powell steps down from the board when Warsh is confirmed and if Miran is appointed to another term, or if he steps down and President Trump appoints someone else to that seat, President Trump will have appointed a majority of board members. It’s worth remembering that 5 Fed District Bank presidents vote at each meeting of the FOMC (all 12 District Bank presidents attend each meeting) and that District Bank presidents are not appointed by the U.S. president.

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As Expected, the FOMC Keeps the Federal Funds Rate Target Unchanged

Photo of Fed Chair Jerome Powell from federalreserve.gov

Today’s meeting of the Federal Reserve’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) had the expected result with the committee deciding to keep its target range for the federal funds rate unchanged at 3.50 percent to 3.75 percent. Fed Governors Stephen Miran and Christopher Waller voted against the action, preferring to lower the target range for the federal funds rate by 0.25 percentage point or 25 basis points.

The following figure shows for the period since January 2010, the upper limit (the blue line) and the lower limit (the green line) for the FOMC’s target range for the federal funds rate, as well as the actual values for the federal funds rate (the red line). Note that the Fed has been successful in keeping the value of the federal funds rate in its target range. (We discuss the monetary policy tools the FOMC uses to maintain the federal funds rate within its target range in Macroeconomics, Chapter 15, Section 15.2 (Economics, Chapter 25, Section 25.2).)

Powell’s press conference following the meeting was his first opportunity to discuss the Department of Justice having served the Federal Reserve with grand jury subpoenas, which indicted that Powell might face a criminal indictment related to his testimony before the Senate Banking Committee in June concerning expenditures on renovating Federal Reserve buildings in Washington DC. It was also his first opportunity to discuss his attendance at the Supreme Court during oral arguments in the case that Fed Governor Lisa Cook brought attempting to block President Trump’s attempt to remove her from the Fed’s Board of Governors.

Powell stated that he had attended the Supreme Court hearing because he believed the case to be the most important in the Fed’s history. He noted that there was a precedent for his attendance in that Fed Chair Paul Volcker had attended a Supreme Court during his term. Powell declined to say anything further with respect to the Department of Justice subpoenas or with respect to whether he would stay on the Board of Governors after his term as chair ends in May. (Powell’s term as chair ends on May 15; his term as a Fed governor ends on January 31, 2028.)

With respect to the economy, Powell stated that he saw the risks to the two parts of the Fed’s dual mandate for price stability and maximum employment to be roughly balanced. Although inflation continues to be above the Fed’s annual target of 2 percent, committee members believe that inflation is elevated because of one-time price increases resulting from tariffs. The committee’s staff economists believe that most of the effects of tariffs on the price level were likely to have passed through the economy sometime in the middle of the year.

Powell noted that the economy had surprised the committee with its strength and that the outlook for further growth in output was good. He noted that there continued to be signs of slight weakening of the labor market. In particular, he cited increases in the broadest measure of the unemployment rate released by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS).

The following figure shows the U-6 measure of the unemployment rate (the blue bars). This measure differs from the more familiar (U-3) measure of the unemployment rate (the red bars) in that it includes people who are working part time for economic reasons and people who are marginally attached to the labor force. The BLS counts people as marginally attached to the labor force if they “indicate that they have searched for work during the prior 12 months (or since their last job if it ended within the last 12 months), but not in the most recent 4 weeks. Because they did not actively search for work in the last 4 weeks, they are not classified as unemployed [according to the U-3 measure].” Between June 2025 and December 2025, the U-3 meaure of unemployment increased by 0.3 percentage point, while the U-6 measure increased by 0.7 percentage point.

When asked whether he had advice for his successor as Fed chair, Powell said the Fed chairs should not get pulled into commenting on elective politics and should earn their democratic legitimacy through their interactions with Congress.

Looking forward, Powell repeated the sentiment included in the committee’s statement that: “In assessing the appropriate stance of monetary policy, the Committee will continue to monitor the implications of incoming information for the economic outlook. The Committee would be prepared to adjust the stance of monetary policy as appropriate if risks emerge that could impede the attainment of the Committee’s goals.”

The next FOMC meeting is on March 17–18. One indication of expectations of future changes in the FOMC’s target for the federal funds rate comes from investors who buy and sell federal funds futures contracts. (We discuss the futures market for federal funds in this blog post.)

As of this afternoon, investors assigned a 86.5 percent probability to the committee keeping its target range for the federal funds rate unchanged at 3.50 percent to 3.75 percent at its March meeting. That expectation reflects the view that a solid majority of the committee believes, as Powell indicated in today’s press conference, that the unemployment rate is unlikely to rise significantly in coming months, while the inflation rate is likely to decline as the effects of the tariff increases finish passing through the economy.

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PCE Inflation Remains Steady While Real Personal Consumption Spending Rises

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On January 22, the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) released monthly data on the personal consumption expenditures (PCE) price index and on real personal consumption spending for October and November as part of its “Personal Income and Outlays” report. Because of the federal government shutdown, two months of data were released together with some of the price data for October being imputed because the Bureau of Labor Statistics was unable to collect some consumer price data in that month. The release of data for December has been delayed.

The following figure shows headline PCE inflation (the blue line) and core PCE inflation (the red line)—which excludes energy and food prices—with inflation measured as the percentage change in the PCE from the same month in the previous year. In November, headline PCE inflation was 2.8 percent, up slightly from 2.7 percent in October. Core PCE inflation in November was also 2.8 percent, up slightly from 2.7 percent in November. Both headline and core PCE inflation for November were equal to the forecast of economists surveyed by the Wall Street Journal.

The following figure shows headline PCE inflation and core PCE inflation calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. (The figure above shows what is sometimes called 12-month inflation, while the figure below shows 1-month inflation.) Measured this way, headline PCE inflation increased from 1.9 percent in October to 2.5 percent in November. Core PCE inflation declined from 2.5 percent in October to 1.9 percent in November. So, both 1-month and 12-month PCE inflation are telling the same story of inflation somewhat above the Fed’s target. The usual caution applies that 1-month inflation figures are volatile (as can be seen in the figure).

Fed Chair Jerome Powell has frequently mentioned that inflation in non-market services can skew PCE inflation. Non-market services are services whose prices the BEA imputes rather than measures directly. For instance, the BEA assumes that prices of financial services—such as brokerage fees—vary with the prices of financial assets. So that if stock prices rise, the prices of financial services included in the PCE price index also rise. Powell has argued that these imputed prices “don’t really tell us much about … tightness in the economy. They don’t really reflect that.” The following figure shows 12-month headline inflation (the blue line) and 12-month core inflation (the red line) for market-based PCE. (The BEA explains the market-based PCE measure here.)

Headline market-based PCE inflation was 2.5 percent in November, up slightly from 2.4 percent in October. Core market-based PCE inflation was 2.4 percent in November, down slightly from 2.5 percent in October. So, both market-based measures show inflation as stable but above the Fed’s 2 percent target.

In the following figure, we look at 1-month inflation using these measures. One-month headline market-based inflation increased to 2.1 percent in November from 1.3 percent in October. One-month core market-based inflation fell to 1.3 percent in November from 2.0 percent in October. So, in November, 1-month market-based inflation was at or below the Fed’s annual inflation target. As the figure shows, the 1-month inflation rates are more volatile than the 12-month rates, which is why the Fed relies on the 12-month rates when gauging how close it is coming to hitting its target inflation rate.

Data on real personal consumption expenditures were also included in this report. The following figure shows compound annual rates of growth of real personal consumptions expenditures for each month since January 2023. Measured this way, the growth in real personal consumptions expenditures rebounded from 1.3 percent in September to 3.7 percent in both October and October and November.

Strong growth in real personal consumption is consistent with the strong growth in real GDP in the third quarter of 2025 shown in the following figure, which reflects revised data that the BEA released yesterday. Real GDP grew at a compound annual rate of 3.8 percent in October and 4.4 percent in November. indicating a strong rebound in output growth following a 0.6 percent decrease in real GDP in the first quarter of 2025.

Is it likely that real GDP continued its strong growth in the fourth quarter of 2025? Economists at the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta prepare nowcasts of real GDP. A nowcast is a forecast that incorporates all the information available on a certain date about the components of spending that are included in GDP. The Atlanta Fed calls its nowcast GDPNow. As the following figure from the Atlanta Fed website shows, today the GDPNow estimate—taking into account this week’s macroeconomic data—is that real GDP grew at an annual rate of 5.4 percent in the fourth quarter of 2025.

These data confirm the widely-held view among economists and investors that the Federal Reserve’s policy-making Federal Open Market committee will keep its target for the federal funds rate unchanged at is next meeting on January 27–28.

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Solved Problem: The Effect of a Cap on Credit Card Interest Rates

Supports: Macroeconomics Chapter 4, Section 4.3, and Chapter 14, Section 14.3 and Economics, Chapter 4, Section 4.3, and Chapter 24, Section 24.3.

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Credit cards provide two main services: 1) They are more convenient to use than cash and are more widely accepted than are personal checks, and 2) they are a source of short-term credit. People who pay their balances off at the end of each month get (very short-term) credit for free. People who don’t pay their balances off have to pay interest on the unpaid balance. Credit cards are the leading source of short-term credit to small businesses. We can think of the interest rate on credit card balances as the price of credit card services, although people who pay off their balances each month avoid paying this price. (Note that banks and other credit card issuers also earn fees from merchants who accept credit cards. These processing fees are usually between 1.5 percent and 3.5 percent of the price of the transaction.)

President Trump announced that he intends to cap the interest rate on credit cards at 10 percent. (Imposing such a cap is usually thought to require Congressional approval.) Currently, the average interest rate on credit cards is about 21 percent, although interest rates vary across cards due to differences in the awards the cards give to card holders and the credit history of the card holders.

In this problem, we look at the effect of capping credit card interest rates on the market for credit card services. An interest rate cap is effectively a price ceiling, so we can use the analysis in Chapter 4, Section 4.4, “Government Intervention in the Market: Price Floors and Price Ceilings” to analyze the effect of the interest rate cap on the market for credit card services.  We briefly discuss the effects of a cap on credit card interest rates in the Apply the Concept “Help for Young Borrowers: Fintech or Ceilings on Interest Rates?” in Chapter 14, Section 14.3.

  1. Use a demand and supply graph to illustrate the effect of a cap on credit card interest rates on the market for credit card services. Be sure that your graph shows the equilibrium price (interest rate) and quantity of credit card services before and after the imposition of the cap. Briefly explain why you would expect the demand curve for credit card services to be downward sloping and the supply curve for credit card services to be upward sloping.
  2. Which groups would you expect to be most affected and which would you expect to be least affected by the imposition of a cap on credit card interest rates?

Solving the Problem
Step 1: Review the chapter material. This problem is about the effect of an interest rate cap on the market for credit card services, so you may want to review Chapter 4, Section 4.4, “Government Intervention in the Market: Price Floors and Price Ceilings” and the Apply the Concept “Help for Young Borrowers: Fintech or Ceilings on Interest Rates?” in Chapter 14, Section 14.3.

Step 2: Answer part a. by drawing a demand and supply graph of the market for credit card services that illustrates the effect of an interest rate cap.  The following figure is simlar to Chapter 4, Figure 4.10, which shows the effect of rent control on the market for rental apartments. We can show the interest rate cap as a horizontal line at an interest rate of 10%. The inital equilibrium, before the imposition of a cap, is at an interest rate of 20 percent and a quantity of credit card services, Q1, where the demand curve for credit card services crosses the supply curve for credit card services. After imposition of the interest rate ceiling, the equilibrium interest falls to 10 percent and the equilibrium quantity of credit card services falls from Q1 to Q2.

We would expect that the higher the interest rate on credit card balances, the fewer the quantity of credit card services consumers will demand. Therefore, the demand curve for credit card services should be downward sloping. We would also expect that the higher the interest rate on credit card balances, the great the quantity of credit card services that banks and other credit card issuers will supply. Therefore, the supply curve for credit card services should be upward sloping.

Step 2: Answer part b. by discussing which groups you would expect to be most affected and which you would expect to be least affected by the imposition of a cap on credit card interest rates. The figure shows that after the imposition of an interest rate ceiling there is a shortage of credit card services equal to the quantity Q3 – Q2. Because Q2 is less than Q1, we know that some people who would have credit cards prior to the imposition of the interest rate ceiling will no longer be able to qualify for them. These people will be affected most by the interest rate cap. We would expect that people who have a higher risk of defaulting on their credit card balances would be most likely to be unable to obtain credit cards following the imposition of the interest rate cap because credit card issuers won’t be able to charge them an interest rate high enough to compensate the issuers for the higher risk of default. In addition, those people who are still able to receive credit cards and who typically don’t pay off their balance each month will benefit from the decline in the interest rate on unpaid balances from 20 percent to 10 percent.

The people who pay off their balances each month will be least affected because they weren’t paying interest. There are some complications, however. Credit card issuers may respond to the interest rate cap by reducing the rewards—such as cash back on their purchases or points toward buying airline tickets or hotel stays—that card holders receive for using their cards. Reducing rewards would affect even those people who pay off their balances each month.   

Extra credit: There has been a debate over how many people would be affected by the imposition of a cap on credit card interest rates. For example, Brian Shearer of Vanderbilt University argues that credit card issuers will only modestly reduce the number of people with weak credit histories who they will no longer be willing to issue credit cards to.  Paul Calem and Alexander Kim of the Bank Policy Institute, a banking industry trade group, argue that up to two-thirds of people who currently fail to pay off their credit card balances each month are likely to no longer qualify for credit cards or will qualify for credit cards will lower dollar limits following the imposition of a credit card cap.

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Overall CPI Inflation Is Steady While Inflation in Grocery and Restaurant Prices Increases

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This morning (January 13), the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) released its report on the consumer price index (CPI) for December. The following figure compares headline CPI inflation (the blue line) and core CPI inflation (the red line). Because of the effects of the federal government shutdown, the BLS didn’t report inflation rates for October or November, so both lines show gaps for those months.

  • The headline inflation rate, which is measured by the percentage change in the CPI from the same month in the previous year, was 2.7 percent in December.. 
  • The core inflation rate, which excludes the prices of food and energy, was 2.6 percent in December. 

Headline inflation was the same as economists surveyed by FactSet had forecast, while core inflation was slightly lower.

In the following figure, we look at the 1-month inflation rate for headline and core inflation—that is the annual inflation rate calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. We switch from lines to bars to make the December inflation rates easier to see.

Calculated as the 1-month inflation rate, headline inflation (the blue line) was 3.8 percent in December, the same as in September which is the most recent month with data. Core inflation (the red line) was up slightly to 2.9 percent in December from 2.8 percent in September.

The 1-month and 12-month inflation rates are telling similar stories, with both measures indicating that the rate of price increase is running moderately above the Fed’s 2 percent inflation target.

Of course, it’s important not to overinterpret the data from a single month. The figure shows that the 1-month inflation rate is particularly volatile. Also note that the Fed uses the personal consumption expenditures (PCE) price index, rather than the CPI, to evaluate whether it is hitting its 2 percent annual inflation target.

In recent months, there have been many media reports on how consumers are concerned about declining affordability. These concerns are thought to have contributed to Zohran Mamdani’s victory in New York City mayoral race. Affordability has no exact interpretation but typically means concern about inflation in goods and services that consumers buy frequently.

Many consumers seem worried about inflation in food prices. The following figure shows 1-month inflation in the CPI category “food at home” (the blue bar)—primarily food purchased at groceries stores—and the category “food away from home” (the red bar)—primarily food purchased at restaurants. Both measures increased rapidly in December. Food at home increased 9.0 percent in December, up from 4.0 percent in September. Food away from home increased 8.7 percent in December, up from 1.7 percent in September. Again, 1-month inflation rates can be volatile, but these large increases in food prices in December may help explain the recent focus on affordability.

The news on changes in the price of gasoline was better for consumers. The following figure shows 1-month inflation in gasoline prices. In December, the price of gasoline fell by 5.3 percent after a very large 41.9 percent in November. As those values imply, 1-month inflation rates in gasoline are quite volatile.

The affordability discussion has also focused on the cost of housing. The price of shelter in the CPI, as explained here, includes both rent paid for an apartment or a house and “owners’ equivalent rent of residences (OER),” which is an estimate of what a house (or apartment) would rent for if the owner were renting it out. OER is included in the CPI to account for the value of the services an owner receives from living in an apartment or house. The following figure shows 1-month inflation in shelter.

One-month inflation in shelter jumped in December to 5.0 percent from 2.5 percent in September, although it was down from 5.4 percent in August.

Overall, then, inflation in food and shelter was high in December, although gasoline prices fell in that month.

This CPI report is unlikely to affect the action the Federal Reserve’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) may take at its next meeting on January 27–28. Investors who buy and sell federal funds futures contracts assign a very high probability to the FOMC leaving its target for the federal funds rate unchanged at that meeting as well as at its meeting on March 17–18. Investors don’t expect the committee to cut its target range for the federal funds rate until its June 16–17 meeting. (We discuss the futures market for federal funds in this blog post.)

By the time of the FOMC’s June meeting, the committee will have several additional months’ data on inflation, employment, and output. Jerome Powell’s term as Fed chair will end on May 15, so presumably the FOMC will have a new chair at that meeting. (This blog post from yesterday includes Powell’s response to the news that he is under investigation by the U.S. Department of Justice and a statement by Glenn and other economists who have served in government objecting to the investigation because they believe that it will undermine the independence of the Fed. We discuss the issue of Fed independence in Macroeconomics, Chapter 17 (Economics, Chapter 27) and Money, Banking, and the Financial System, Chapter 13.)

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Statement on the Federal Reserve Signed by Glenn and other Economists Who Have Served in Government

Statement on the Federal Reserve

The Federal Reserve’s independence and the public’s perception of that independence are critical for economic performance, including achieving the goals Congress has set for the Federal Reserve of stable prices, maximum employment, and moderate long-term interest rates. The reported criminal inquiry into Federal Reserve Chair Jay Powell is an unprecedented attempt to use prosecutorial attacks to undermine that independence. This is how monetary policy is made in emerging markets with weak institutions, with highly negative consequences for inflation and the functioning of their economies more broadly. It has no place in the United States whose greatest strength is the rule of law, which is at the foundation of our economic success.

SIGNATORIES

Ben S. Bernanke served two terms as Chair of the Board of Governors of the Fed, as well as Chair of the Council of Economic Advisers under President George W. Bush.

Jared Bernstein served as Chair of the Council of Economic Advisers under President Joe Biden.

Jason Furman served as Chair of the Council of Economic Advisers under President Barack Obama.

Timothy F. Geithner served as the 75th Secretary of the Treasury under President Barack Obama, as well as President and Chief Executive Officer of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York.

Alan Greenspan served five terms as Chair of the Board of Governors of the Fed, first appointed by President Ronald Reagan and then reappointed by Presidents George H.W. Bush, Bill Clinton, and George W. Bush. He also was Chair of the Council of Economic Advisers under President Gerald Ford.

Glenn Hubbard served as Chair of the Council of Economic Advisers under President George W. Bush.

Jacob J. Lew served as the 76th Secretary of the Treasury under President Barack Obama.

N. Gregory Mankiw served as Chair of the Council of Economic Advisers under President George W. Bush.

Henry M. Paulson served as the 74th Secretary of the Treasury under President George W. Bush.

Kenneth Rogoff is the Maurits C. Boas Professor of International Economics at Harvard University and former chief economist of the International Monetary Fund.

Christina Romer served as Chair of the Council of Economic Advisers under President Barack Obama.

Robert E. Rubin served as the 70th Secretary of the Treasury under President Bill Clinton, after serving as the first director of the White House National Economic Council.

Janet Yellen served as the 78th Secretary of the Treasury under President Joe Biden, Chair and Vice Chair of the Board of Governors of the Fed, Chair of the Council of Economic Advisers under President Bill Clinton, and President and CEO of the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco.

*********************

Separately, Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell issued the following statement last night. (Here is a link to Powell’s statement and to a video of Powell reading the statement.)

Good evening.

On Friday, the Department of Justice served the Federal Reserve with grand jury subpoenas, threatening a criminal indictment related to my testimony before the Senate Banking Committee last June. That testimony concerned in part a multi-year project to renovate historic Federal Reserve office buildings.

I have deep respect for the rule of law and for accountability in our democracy. No one—certainly not the chair of the Federal Reserve—is above the law. But this unprecedented action should be seen in the broader context of the administration’s threats and ongoing pressure.

This new threat is not about my testimony last June or about the renovation of the Federal Reserve buildings. It is not about Congress’s oversight role; the Fed through testimony and other public disclosures made every effort to keep Congress informed about the renovation project. Those are pretexts. The threat of criminal charges is a consequence of the Federal Reserve setting interest rates based on our best assessment of what will serve the public, rather than following the preferences of the President.

This is about whether the Fed will be able to continue to set interest rates based on evidence and economic conditions—or whether instead monetary policy will be directed by political pressure or intimidation.

I have served at the Federal Reserve under four administrations, Republicans and Democrats alike. In every case, I have carried out my duties without political fear or favor, focused solely on our mandate of price stability and maximum employment. Public service sometimes requires standing firm in the face of threats. I will continue to do the job the Senate confirmed me to do, with integrity and a commitment to serving the American people.

Thank you.

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December Jobs Report Shows Employment Up and the Unemployment Rate Down

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This morning (January 9), the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) released its “Employment Situation” report (often called the “jobs report”) for December. Both the increase in employment and the unemployment rate were lower than had been expected. 

The jobs report has two estimates of the change in employment during the month: one estimate from the establishment survey, often referred to as the payroll survey, and one from the household survey. As we discuss in Macroeconomics, Chapter 9, Section 9.1 (Economics, Chapter 19, Section 19.1), many economists and Federal Reserve policymakers believe that employment data from the establishment survey provide a more accurate indicator of the state of the labor market than do the household survey’s employment data and unemployment data. (The groups included in the employment estimates from the two surveys are somewhat different, as we discuss in this post.)

According to the establishment survey, there was a net increase of 50,000 nonfarm jobs during December. This increase was below the increase of 75,000 net new jobs that economists surveyed by FactSet had forecast.  Economists surveyed by the Wall Street Journal had forecast an increase of 71,000 jobs. In addition, the BLS revised downward its previous estimates of employment in October and November by a combined 76,000 jobs. (The BLS notes that: “Monthly revisions result from additional reports received from businesses and government agencies since the last published estimates and from the recalculation of seasonal factors.”)

During 2025, the U.S. economy experienced an average monthly net increase of 49,000 jobs, down from an average monthly net increase of 168,000 jobs during 2024.

The following figure from the jobs report shows the net change in nonfarm payroll employment for each month in the last two years. The figure illustrates that monthly job growth has moved erratically since April. The Trump administration announced sharp increases in U.S. tariffs on April 2. Media reports indicate that some firms have slowed hiring due to the effects of the tariffs or in anticipation of those effects.

The unemployment rate decreased from 4.5 percent in November to 4.4 percent in December. The unemployment rate is below the 4.5 percent rate economists surveyed by FactSet had forecast. As the following figure shows, the unemployment rate had been remarkably stable over the past year, staying between 4.0 percent and 4.2 percent in each month May 2024 to July 2025 before breaking out of that range in August. Not that the gap in the figure for October reflects the fact that the federal government shutdown resulted in the BLS not conducting a household survey in that month.

Each month, the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta estimates how many net new jobs are required to keep the unemployment rate stable. Given a slowing in the growth of the working-age population due to the aging of the U.S. population and a sharp decline in immigration, the Atlanta Fed currently estimates that the economy would have to create 113,487 net new jobs each month to keep the unemployment rate stable at 4.4 percent. If this estimate is accurate, continuing monthly net job increases of only 50,000 would result in a rising unemployment rate.

As the following figure shows, the monthly net change in jobs from the household survey moves much more erratically than does the monthly net change in jobs from the establishment survey. As measured by the household survey, there was a net increase of 232,000 jobs in December. (There is no employment estimate from the household survey for October or November.) As an indication of the volatility in the employment changes in the household survey note the very large swings in net new jobs in January and February. In any particular month, the story told by the two surveys can be inconsistent, as was the case this month with employment increasing much more in the household survey than in the employment survey. (In this blog post, we discuss the differences between the employment estimates in the two surveys.)

The household survey has another important labor market indicator: the employment-population ratio for prime age workers—those aged 25 to 54. In December the ratio rose to 80.7 percent from 80.6 percent in November. The prime-age employment-population ratio is somewhat below the high of 80.9 percent in mid-2024, but is still above what the ratio was in any month during the period from January 2008 to February 2020. The increase in the prime-age employment-population ratio is a particular bright spot in this month’s jobs report.

The following figure shows monthly net changes in federal government employment as measured by the establishment survey. Following the very large net decrease of 179,000 federal government jobs in October, the data for the last two months were more typical of the changes in earlier years with a net increase of 3,000 federal jobs in November and 2,000 jobs in December. In these two months, changes to federal employment had only a small effect on the overall labor market.

The establishment survey also includes data on average hourly earnings (AHE). As we noted in this post, many economists and policymakers believe the employment cost index (ECI) is a better measure of wage pressures in the economy than is the AHE. The AHE does have the important advantage of being available monthly, whereas the ECI is only available quarterly. The following figure shows the percentage change in the AHE from the same month in the previous year. The AHE increased 3.8 percent in December, up from an increase of 3.6 percent in November.

The following figure shows wage inflation calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. (The figure above shows what is sometimes called 12-month wage inflation, whereas this figure shows 1-month wage inflation.) One-month wage inflation is much more volatile than 12-month wage inflation—note the very large swings in 1-month wage inflation in April and May 2020 during the business closures caused by the Covid pandemic. In December, the 1-month rate of wage inflation was 4.0 percent, up from 3.0 percent in November. Both the 1-month and the 12-month data for average hourly earnings show that wage growth remains fairly strong.

What effect might today’s jobs report have on the decisions of the Federal Reserve’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) with respect to setting its target for the federal funds rate? One indication of expectations of future changes in the FOMC’s target for the federal funds rate comes from investors who buy and sell federal funds futures contracts. (We discuss the futures market for federal funds in this blog post.) In recent weeks, investors have expected that the FOMC would leave its target for the federal funds rate unchanged at its next meeting on January 27–28.  This afternoon, as the following figure shows, investors raised the probability they assign to the committee leaving its target for the federal funds rate unchanged to 95.0 percent from 88.9 percent yesterday. The relatively strong jobs report combined with measures of inflation remaining above the Fed’s 2 percent annual target, makes it likely that the committee will wait to receive additional data on employment, inflation, and GDP before adjusting its federal funds rate target.

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Real GDP Growth in the Third Quarter Comes in Well Above Forecasts

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This morning (December 23), the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) released its initial estimate of real GDP for the third quarter of 2025. (The report can be found here.) The BEA estimates that real GDP increased in the third quarter by 4.3 percent measured at an annual rate. Economists surveyed by FactSet had forecast a 3.2 percent increase. Real GDP experienced strong growth for the second quarter in a row, following an estimated 0.6 percent decline in the first quarter of 2025. The following figure shows the estimated rates of GDP growth in each quarter beginning with the first quarter of 2021.

As the following figure—taken from the BEA report—shows, the growth in consumer spending in the third quarter was the most important factor contributing to the increase in real GDP. Increases in net exports and in government spending also contributed to GDP growth, while investment spending declined.

To better gauge the state of the economy, policymakers often prefer to strip out the effects of imports, inventory investment, and government purchases—which can be volatile—by looking at real final sales to private domestic purchasers, which includes only spending by U.S. households and firms on domestic production. As the following figure shows, real final sales to domestic purchasers increased by 3.0 percent at an annual rate in the third quarter, which was below the 4.3 percent increase in real GDP but still well above the U.S. economy’s expected long-run annual growth rate of 1.8 percent. Note also that real final sales to private domestic purchasers grew by 1.9 percent in the first quarter, during which real GDP declined. So this measure of output indicates solid growth during the first three quarters of the year.

The BEA report this morning included quarterly data on the personal consumption expenditures (PCE) price index. The Fed relies on annual changes in the PCE price index to evaluate whether it’s meeting its 2 percent annual inflation target. The following figure shows headline PCE inflation (the blue line) and core PCE inflation (the red line)—which excludes energy and food prices—for the period since the first quarter of 2019, with inflation measured as the percentage change in the PCE from the same quarter in the previous year. In the third quarter, headline PCE inflation was 2.7 percent, up from 2.4 percent in the second quarter. Core PCE inflation in the third quarter was 2.9 percent, up from 2.7 percent in the second quarter. Both headline PCE inflation and core PCE inflation remained well above the Fed’s 2 percent annual inflation target.

The following figure shows quarterly PCE inflation and quarterly core PCE inflation calculated by compounding the current quarter’s rate over an entire year. Measured this way, headline PCE inflation increased to 2.8 percent in the third quarter of 2025, up from to 2.1 percent in the second quarter. Core PCE inflation increased to 2.9 percent in the third quarter of 2025 from 2.6 percent in the second quarter. Measured this way, both core and headline PCE inflation were well above the Fed’s target.

The relatively strong growth and above-target inflation data from today’s report contrast with last week’s mixed but somewhat weak employment data (which we discuss here) and CPI data that showed inflation significantly slowing (which we discuss here). Note, though, that the employment data were affected by the unusually large decline in federal government employment and the CPI report relied on incomplete data. And, of course, both the employment and GDP data are subject to revision.

In guiding monetary policy, the Federal Reserve’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) will look for further indications as to whether today’s data showing strong real GDP growth and inflation stuck above the Fed’s target or last week’s data showing both employment growth and inflation slowing are giving a more accurate picture of the state of economy. The FOMC meets next on January 27–28.

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The United States Typically Runs Surpluses in Services as Well as Deficits in Goods

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A recent post on the blog of the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis reminds us that although the media and some policymakers tend to focus on the fact that the United States typically runs a deficit in trade in goods, it also typically runs a surplus in trade in services. We discuss these points in Economics, Chapter 9, Section 9.1 and Chapter 28, Section 28.1 (Macroeconomics, Chapter 7, Section 7.1 and Chapter 18, Section 18.1, and Microeconomics, Section 9.1). The first of the following figures shows U.S. net exports in services in dollar terms for the period from the first quarter of 1960 through the second quarter of 2025. The second figure show U.S. net exports in services as a percentage of U.S. GDP.

How does the United States compare to other countries? The following figure shows for 2024 the leaders in net exports of services for large economies (those with GDP of $1 trillion or more). The United States has largest value for net exports of services followed by the United Kingdom. China had negative net exports of services in 2024.

The following figure shows net exports in services as percentage of GDP among large economies. Measured this way, the largest net exporter of services is the United Kingdom, followed by Spain. The United States is included in graph (in red) for comparison and ranks ninth.

The following table from the St. Louis Fed’s blog posts shows the U.S. industries that export the most services.

The export of travel services represents largely foreign tourism in the United States. For example, if a family from France visits Walt Disney World in Florida, their spending would be included as an export of travel services.

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CPI Inflation Slows but Some Data Are Missing from Latest Report

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On Thursday (December 18) the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) released its latest report on the consumer price index (CPI). The federal government shutdown, which lasted from October 1 to November 12, is still affecting the macroeconomic statistics being gathered by the BLS and other agencies. The BLS notes in the report:

“BLS did not collect survey data for October 2025 due to a lapse in appropriations. BLS was unable to retroactively collect these data. For a few indexes, BLS uses nonsurvey data sources instead of survey data to make the index calculations. BLS was able to retroactively acquire most of the nonsurvey data for October. CPI data collection resumed on November 14, 2025.”

The following table from the CPI report gives an indication of how much data that is normally collected wasn’t collected in October or November.

Bearing in mind the missing data, the following figure compares headline CPI inflation (the blue bar) and core CPI inflation (the red bar) as reported in this month’s CPI report.

  • The headline inflation rate, which is measured by the percentage change in the CPI from the same month in the previous year, was 2.7 percent in November, down from 3.0 in September. 
  • The core inflation rate, which excludes the prices of food and energy, was 2.6 percent in November, down from 3.0 percent in September. 

Economists who were surveyed by Fact Set had forecast that both headline inflation and core inflation would rise to 3.1 percent in November. Economists surveyed by the Wall Street Journal also forecast that headline inflation would rise to 3.1 percent in November, but forecast that core inflation would rise slightly less to 3.0 percent. It’s unclear whether the economists were aware at the time they were surveyed how much data for October and November would be missing from this month’s report.

Because of how much data that is normally collected was missing from the calculations of November’s inflation rate, the results should be treated with caution. The Wall Street Journal quoted an economist at the investment bank UBS as advising: “I think you largely just put this one to the side. Maybe this report gives a minor downward sign for overall inflation, but the vast, vast majority of this is just noise and should be ignored.”

Several economists were concerned about the computation the BLS had to make to deal with the lack of direct data on the price of “shelter.” The price of shelter in the CPI, as explained here, includes both rent paid for an apartment or a house and “owners’ equivalent rent of residences (OER),” which is an estimate of what a house (or apartment) would rent for if the owner were renting it out. OER is included in the CPI to account for the value of the services an owner receives from living in an apartment or house. The following figure shows CPI inflation, measured as the percentage change since the same month in the previous year, leaving out the price of shelter. Measured this way, inflation was 2.6 percent in November, which is slightly lower than the 2.7 percent inflation rate the BLS reported when including all items.

What effect have the tariffs that the Trump administration announced on April 2 had on inflation? (Note that many of the tariff increases announced on April 2 have since been reduced.) The following figure shows 12-month inflation in durable goods—such as furniture, appliances, and cars—which are likely to be affected directly by tariffs, and services, which are less likely to be affected by tariffs. To make recent changes clearer, we look only at the months since January 2022. In November, inflation in durable goods decreased to 1.8 percent from 2.2 percent in September. Inflation in services in November was 3.2 percent, down from 3.6 percent in September. So the upward pressure on goods prices from the tariffs seems to be declining. But, again, missing data makes it’s unclear to what extent November inflation numbers are representative of what’s actually happening currently to prices.

It’s unlikely that this inflation report will have much effect on the views of the members of the Federal Reserve’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee. In a press conference after the committee’s most recent meeting, Fed Chair Jerome Powell cautioned against drawing firm conclusions from data for October and November:

“I should mention on the data, as long as I’m talking about it, that we’re going to need to be careful in assessing particularly the household survey data. There are very technical reasons about the way data are collected in some of these measures, both in, you know, inflation and in labor—in the  labor market so that the data may be distorted. And not just sort of more volatile, but distorted. And that—it’s—and  that’s really because data was not collected in October and half of November. So we’re going to get data, but we’re going to have to look at it carefully and with a somewhat skeptical eye by the time of the January meeting ….”

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October and November Jobs Data Give Mixed Picture of the Labor Market

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Because of the federal government shutdown from October 1 to November 12, the regular release by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) of its monthly “Employment Situation” report (often called the “jobs report”) has been disrupted. The jobs report usually has two estimates of the change in employment during the month: one estimate from the establishment survey, often referred to as the payroll survey, and one from the household survey. As we discuss in Macroeconomics, Chapter 9, Section 9.1 (Economics, Chapter 19, Section 19.1), many economists and Federal Reserve policymakers believe that employment data from the establishment survey provide a more accurate indicator of the state of the labor market than do the household survey’s employment data and unemployment data. (The groups included in the employment estimates from the two surveys are somewhat different, as we discuss in this post.)

Today, the BLS released a jobs report that has data from the payroll survey for both October and November, but data from the household survey only for November. Because of the government shutdown, the household survey for October wasn’t conducted.

According to the establishment survey, there was a net decrease of 105,000 nonfarm jobs in October and a net increase of 64,000 nonfarm jobs in November. The increase for November was above the increase of 40,000 that economists surveyed by FactSet had forecast.  Economists surveyed by the Wall Street Journal had forecast a net increase of 45,000 jobs. The BLS revised downward by a combined 33,000 jobs its previous estimates of employment in August and September. (The BLS notes that: “Monthly revisions result from additional reports received from businesses and government agencies since the last published estimates and from the recalculation of seasonal factors.”)

The following figure from the jobs report shows the net change in nonfarm payroll employment for each month in the last two years. The figure illustrates that, as the BLS notes in the report, nonfarm payroll employment “has shown little net change since April.” The Trump administration announced sharp increases in U.S. tariffs on April 2. Media reports indicate that some firms have slowed hiring due to the effects of the tariffs or in anticipation of those effects. In addition, a sharp decline in immigration has slowed growth in the labor force.

The unemployment rate estimate relies on data collected in the household survey, so there id no unemployment estimate for October. As shown in the following figure, the unemployment rate increased from 4.4 percent in September to 4.6 percent in November, the highest rate since September 2021. The unemployment rate is above the 4.4 percent rate economists surveyed by FactSet had forecast. The unemployment rate had been remarkably stable, staying between 4.0 percent and 4.2 percent in each month from May 2024 to July 2025, before breaking out of that range in August. The Federal Open Market Committee’s current estimate of the natural rate of unemployment—the normal rate of unemployment over the long run—is 4.2 percent. So, unemployment is now well above the natural rate. (We discuss the natural rate of unemployment in Macroeconomics, Chapter 9 and Economics, Chapter 19.)

As the following figure shows, the monthly net change in jobs from the household survey moves much more erratically than does the net change in jobs from the establishment survey. As measured by the household survey, there was a net increase of 96,000 jobs from September to November. In the payroll survey, there was a net decrease in of 41,000 jobs from September to November. In any particular month, the story told by the two surveys can be inconsistent. In this case, we are measuring the change in jobs over a two month interval because there is no estimate from the household survey of employment in October. Over that two month period the household survey is showing more strength in the labor market than is the payroll survey. (In this blog post, we discuss the differences between the employment estimates in the two surveys.)

The household survey has another important labor market indicator: the employment-population ratio for prime age workers—those workers aged 25 to 54. In November the ratio was 80.6 percent, down slightly from 80.7 in September. (Again, there is no estimate for October.) The prime-age employment-population ratio is somewhat below the high of 80.9 percent in mid-2024, but is still above what the ratio was in any month during the period from January 2008 to February 2020. The continued high levels of the prime-age employment-population ratio indicates some continuing strength in the labor market.

The Trump Administration’s layoffs of some federal government workers are clearly shown in the estimate of total federal employment for October, when many federal government employees exhausted their severance pay. (The BLS notes that: “Employees on paid leave or receiving ongoing severance pay are counted as employed in the establishment survey.”) As the following figure shows, there was a decline federal government employment of 162,000 in October, with an additional decline of 6,000 In November. The total decline since the beginning of February 2025 is 271,000. At this point, we can say that the decline in federal employment has had a significant effect on the overall labor market and may account for some of the rise in the unemployment rate.

The establishment survey also includes data on average hourly earnings (AHE). As we noted in this post, many economists and policymakers believe the employment cost index (ECI) is a better measure of wage pressures in the economy than is the AHE. The AHE does have the important advantage of being available monthly, whereas the ECI is only available quarterly. The following figure shows the percentage change in the AHE from the same month in the previous year. The AHE increased 3.5 percent in November, down from 3.7 percent in October.

The following figure shows wage inflation calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. (The figure above shows what is sometimes called 12-month wage inflation, whereas this figure shows 1-month wage inflation.) One-month wage inflation is much more volatile than 12-month wage inflation—note the very large swings in 1-month wage inflation in April and May 2020 during the business closures caused by the Covid pandemic. In November, the 1-month rate of wage inflation was 1.6 percent, down from 5.4 percent in October. This slowdown in wage growth may be an indication of a weakening labor market. But one month’s data from such a volatile series may not accurately reflect longer-run trends in wage inflation.

What effect might today’s jobs report have on the decisions of the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) with respect to setting its target range for the federal funds rate?  Today’s jobs report provides a mixed take on the state of the labor market with very slow job growth—although the large decline in federal employment is a confounding factor—a continued high employment-population ratio for prime age workers, and slowing wage growth.

One indication of expectations of future changes in the FOMC’s target for the federal funds rate comes from investors who buy and sell federal funds futures contracts. (We discuss the futures market for federal funds in this blog post.) This morning, investors assigned a 75.6 percent probability to the committee leaving its target range unchanged at 3.50 percent to 3.75 percent at its next meeting on January 27–28. That probability is unchanged from the probability yesterday before the release of the jobs report. Investors apparently don’t see today’s report as providing much new information on the current state of the economy.

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Three Dissents as the FOMC Cuts Its Target for the Federal Funds Rate

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Today’s meeting of the Federal Reserve’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) had the expected result with the committee deciding to lower its target for the federal funds rate from a range of 3.75 percent to 4.00 percent to a range of 3.50 percent to 3.75 percent—a cut of 25 basis points. The members of the committee voted 9 to 3 in favor of the cut. Fed Governor Stephen Miran voted against the action, preferring to lower the target range for the federal funds rate by 50 basis points. President Austan Goolsbee of the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago and President Jeffrey Schmid of the Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City also voted against the action, preferring to leave the target range unchanged.

The following figure shows for the period since January 2010, the upper bound (the blue line) and the lower bound (the green line) for the FOMC’s target range for the federal funds rate, as well as the actual values for the federal funds rate (the red line). Note that the Fed has been successful in keeping the value of the federal funds rate in its target range. (We discuss the monetary policy tools the FOMC uses to maintain the federal funds rate within its target range in Macroeconomics, Chapter 15, Section 15.2 (Economics, Chapter 25, Section 25.2).)

After the meeting, the committee also released a “Summary of Economic Projections” (SEP)—as it typically does after its March, June, September, and December meetings. The SEP presents median values of the 19 committee members’ forecasts of key economic variables. The values are summarized in the following table, reproduced from the release. (Note that only 5 of the district bank presidents vote at FOMC meetings, although all 12 presidents participate in the discussions and prepare forecasts for the SEP.)

There are several aspects of these forecasts worth noting:

  1. Compared with September, the committee members increased their forecasts of real GDP growth for each year from 2025 through 2027. The increase for 2026 was substantial, from 1.8 percent to 2.3 percent, although some of this increase was attributable to the federal government shutdown causing some economic output to be shifted from 2025 to 2026. Committee members slightly decreased their forecasts of the unemployment rate in 2027. They left their forecast of the unemployment rate in the fourth quarter of 2025 unchanged at 4.5 percent.
  2. Committee members reduced their forecasts for personal consumption expenditures (PCE) price inflation for 2025 and 2026. Similarly, their forecasts of core PCE inflation for 2025 and 2026 were also reduced. The committee does not expect that PCE inflation will decline to the Fed’s 2.0 percent annual target until 2028.
  3. The committee’s forecasts of the federal funds rate at the end of each year from 2025 through 2028 were unchanged.

Prior to the meeting there was much discussion in the business press and among investment analysts about the dot plot, shown below. Each dot in the plot represents the projection of an individual committee member. (The committee doesn’t disclose which member is associated with which dot.) Note that there are 19 dots, representing the 7 members of the Fed’s Board of Governors and all 12 presidents of the Fed’s district banks. 

The plots on the far left of the figure represent the projections by the 19 members of the value of the federal funds rate at the end of 2025. The fact that several members of the committee preferred that the federal funds rate end 2025 above 4 percent—in other words higher than it will be following the vote at today’s meeting—indicates that several non-voting district bank presidents, beyond Goolsbee and Schmid, would have preferred to not cut the target range. The plots on the far right of the figure indicate that there is substantial disagreement among comittee members as to what the long-run value of the federal funds rate—the so-called neutral rate—should be.

During his press conference following the meeting, Powell indicated that the increase in inflation in recent months was largely due to the effects of the increase in tariffs on goods prices. Powell indicated that committee members expect that the tariff increases will cause a one-time increase in the price level, rather than causing a long-term increase in the inflation rate. Powell also noted the recent slow growth in employment, which he noted might actually be negative once the Bureau of Labor Statistics revises the data for recent months. This slow growth indicated that the risk of unemployment increasing was greater than the risk of inflation increasing. As a result, he said that the “balance of risks” caused the committee to believe that cutting the target for the federal funds rate was warranted to avoid the possibility of a significant rise in the unemployment rate. 

The next FOMC meeting is on January 27–28. By that time a significant amount of new macroeconomic data, which has not been available because of the government shutdown, will have been released. It also seems likely that President Trump will have named the person he intends to nominate to succeed Powell as Fed chair when Powell’s term ends on May 15, 2026. (Powel’s term on the Board doesn’t end until January 31, 2028, although he declined at the press conference to say whether he will serve out the remainder of his term on the Board after he steps down as chair.) In addition, it’s possible that by the time of the next meeting the Supreme Court will have ruled on whether President Trump can legally remove Governor Lisa Cook from the Board and on whether President Trump’s tariff increases this year are Constitutional.

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PCE Inflation Increases Slightly in September

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Today (December 5), the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) released monthly data on the personal consumption expenditures (PCE) price index for September as part of its “Personal Income and Outlays” report. Release of the report was delayed by the federal government shutdown.

The following figure shows headline PCE inflation (the blue line) and core PCE inflation (the red line)—which excludes energy and food prices—with inflation measured as the percentage change in the PCE from the same month in the previous year. In September, headline PCE inflation was 2.8 percent, up slightly from 2.7 percent in August. Core PCE inflation in September was also 2.8 percent, down slightly from 2.9 percent in August. Both headline and core PCE inflation were equal to the forecast of economists surveyed.

The following figure shows headline PCE inflation and core PCE inflation calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. (The figure above shows what is sometimes called 12-month inflation, while the figure below shows 1-month inflation.) Measured this way, headline PCE inflation increased from 3.1 percent in August to 3.3 percent in September. Core PCE inflation declined from 2.7 percent in August to 2.4 percent in September. So, both 1-month and 12-month PCE inflation are telling the same story of inflation somewhat above the Fed’s target. The usual caution applies that 1-month inflation figures are volatile (as can be seen in the figure). In addition, these data are for September and likely don’t fully reflect the situation nearly two months later.

Fed Chair Jerome Powell has frequently mentioned that inflation in non-market services can skew PCE inflation. Non-market services are services whose prices the BEA imputes rather than measures directly. For instance, the BEA assumes that prices of financial services—such as brokerage fees—vary with the prices of financial assets. So that if stock prices fall, the prices of financial services included in the PCE price index also fall. Powell has argued that these imputed prices “don’t really tell us much about … tightness in the economy. They don’t really reflect that.” The following figure shows 12-month headline inflation (the blue line) and 12-month core inflation (the red line) for market-based PCE. (The BEA explains the market-based PCE measure here.)

Headline market-based PCE inflation was 2.6 percent in September, up from 2.4 percent in August. Core market-based PCE inflation was 2.6 percent in September, unchanged from August. So, both market-based measures show inflation as stable but above the Fed’s 2 percent target.

In the following figure, we look at 1-month inflation using these measures. One-month headline market-based inflation increase sharply to 3.7 percent in September from 2.6 percent in August. One-month core market-based inflation increased to 2.7 percent in September from 2.0 percent in August. As the figure shows, the 1-month inflation rates are more volatile than the 12-month rates, which is why the Fed relies on the 12-month rates when gauging how close it is coming to hitting its target inflation rate.

Data on real personal consumption expenditures were also included in this report. The following figure shows compound annual rates of growth of real real personal consumptions expenditures for each month since January 2023. Measured this way, the growth in real personal consumptions expenditures slowed sharply in September to 0.5 percent from 3.0 percent in August.

Does the slowing in consumptions spending indicate that real GDP may have also grown slowly in the third quarter of 2025? Economists at the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta prepare nowcasts of real GDP. A nowcast is a forecast that incorporates all the information available on a certain date about the components of spending that are included in GDP. The Atlanta Fed calls its nowcast GDPNow. As the following figure from the Atlanta Fed website shows, today the GDPNow forecast—taking into account today’s data on real personal consumption expenditures—is  for real GDP to grow at an annual rate of 3.5 percent in the third quarter, which reflects continuing strong growth in other measures of output.

In a number of earlier blog posts, we discussed the policy dilemma facing the Fed. Despite the Atlanta Fed’s robust estimate of real GDP growth, there are some indications that the labor market may be weakening. For instance, earlier this week ADP estimated that private sector employment declined by 32,000 jobs in November. (We discuss ADP’s job estimates in this blog post.) As the Fed’s policy-making Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) prepares for its next meeting on December 9–10, it has to balance guarding against a potential decline in employment with concern that inflation has not yet returned to the Fed’s 2 percent annual target.

If the committee decides that inflation is the larger concern, it is likely to leave its target range for the federal funds rate unchanged. If it decides that weakness in the labor market is the larger concern, it is likely to reduce it target range by 0.25 percentage point (25 basis points). Statements by FOMC members indicate that opinion on the committee is divided. In addition, the Trump administration has brought pressure on the committee to cut its target rate.

One indication of expectations of future changes in the FOMC’s target for the federal funds rate comes from investors who buy and sell federal funds futures contracts. (We discuss the futures market for federal funds in this blog post.) Investors’ expectations have been unusually volatile during the past two months as new macroeconomic data or new remarks by FOMC members have caused swings in the probability that investors assign to the committee cutting the target range.

As of this afternoon, investors assigned a 87.2 percent probability to the committee cutting its target range for the federal funds rate by 25 basis points to 3.50 percent to 3.75 percent at its December meeting. At the December meeting the committee will also release its Summary of Economic Projections (SEP) giving members forecasts of future values of the inflation rate, the unemployment rate, the federal funds rate, and the growth rate of real GDP. The SEP, along with Fed Chair Powell’s remarks at his press conference following the meeting, should provide additional information on the monetary policy path the committee intends to follow in the coming months.

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Is the Price of a Thanksgiving Dinner Higher this Year? It Depends on What Side Dishes You Serve.

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A perennial media story this time of year looks at whether a Thanksgiving turkey dinner costs more or less than last year. Not too surprisingly, the answer depends on what side dishes you serve with the turkey. Deloitte provides tax, consulting, and other services to businesses. Their calculation of the cost of a Thanksgiving dinner over the past three years can be found here.

The following image shows the food that they include in their cost calculation. For that particular Thanksgiving dinner, the cost is slightly higher than in 2024, although slightly lower than in 2023.

Image from deloitte.com

The following image from the American Farm Bureau Federation, a lobbying organization for U.S. farmers, shows the food they include in their calculation of the cost of a Thanksgiving dinner.

Image from fb.org

For a Thanksgiving dinner with those side dishes, the price is about 5 percent lower this year than last year.

Image from fb.org

Note that the two estimates differ in the cost of the turkey. It’s not clear whether the difference is due to the size of the turkey or to differences in the price of the turkey. Related point: The Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) stopped collecting data on retail turkey prices in February 2020, at the start of the pandemic, and never resumed collecting them. Here’s the link to the BLS retail turkey price series on FRED. The series begins in January 1980 and ends in February 2020.

Justin Fox, in a column on bloomberg.com, notes that demand for turkey has been declining in recent years. The following figure uses data on turkey consumption per capita from the U.S. Department of Agriculture.

Turkey consumption peaked at 18.2 pounds per person in 1996 and has fallen to an estimated 13.1 pounds per person in 2025—a decline of about 28 percent. Is this decline an indication that people have moved away from eating turkey for Thanksgiving? Fox argues that it likely doesn’t. Note the rapid rise of turkey consumption between 1980 and 1990. Fox believes the surge in consumption was due to “both chicken and turkey [consumption increasing] as health concerns led many Americans to shun red meat starting in the late 1970s ….” In recent years, though, “red-meat consumption has steadied … chicken consumption has continued to rise, and turkey is losing out. Maybe people just don’t like how it tastes.” Glenn and Tony agree that, alas, turkey is often dry—although, admittedly, skilled cooks claim that it isn’t dry when prepared properly.

So, turkey may be holding its own at the heart of Thanksgiving dinners, but seems to be struggling to get on the menu during the rest of the year.

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When John Williams Speaks … Investors Listen

Photo of Federal Reserve Bank of New York President John Williams from newyorkfed.org

Many economists consider the three most influential people at the Federal Reserve to be the chair of the Board of Governors, the vice-chair of the Board of Governors, and the president of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York. The influence of the New York Fed president is attributable in part to being the only president of a District Bank to be a voting member of the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) every year and to the New York Fed being the location of the Open Market Desk, which is charged with implementing monetary policy. The Open Market Desk undertakes open market operations—buying and selling Treasury securities—and conducts repurchase agreements (repos) and reverse repurchase agreements (reverse repos) with the aim of keeping the federal funds rate within the target range specified by the FOMC. (We discuss the mechanics of how monetary policy is conducted in Macroeconomics, Chapter 15, Economics, Chapter 25, and Money, Banking, and the Financial System, Chapter 15.)

John Williams has served as president of the New York Fed since 2018. Given his important role in the formulation and execution of monetary policy, investors pay close attention to his speeches and other public remarks looking for clues about the likely future path of monetary policy. As we noted yesterday in a post discussing the latest jobs report, Fed watchers were uncertain as to whether the FOMC would cut its target for the federal funds rate at its next meeting on December 9–10.

Yesterday morning, investors who buy and sell federal funds futures contracts assigned a probability of 39.6 percent to the FOMC cutting its target range for the federal funds rate by 0.25 percentage point (25 basis points) from 3.75 percent to 4.00 to 3.50 percent to 3.75 percent. Today in a speech delivered at the Central Bank of Chile, John Williams stated that:”I still see room for a further adjustment in the near term to the target range for the federal funds rate to move the stance of policy closer to the range of neutral, thereby maintaining the balance between the achievement of our two goals” of maximum employment and price stability.

Investors interpreted this statement as indicating that Williams would support cutting the target range for the federal funds rate at the December FOMC meeting. Given his position on the committee, it seemed unlikely that Williams would have publicly supported a rate cut unless he believed that a majority of the committee would also support it. As the following figure shows, after the text of Williams’s speech was released this morning, investors in the federal funds futures market increased the probability they assigned to a rate cut to 69.4 percent. That movement in the federal funds futures market was a recognition of the important role the president of the New York Fed plays in formulating monetary policy.

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Congratulations to Pace University for Winning the 2025 College Fed Challenge

Photo from federalreserve.gov of the Pace University Fed Challenge team and their faculty advisers

Each year the Federal Reserve sponsors a competition among college student teams. As desribed on the Fed’s website, in the competition “Teams analyze economic and financial conditions and formulate a monetary policy recommendation, modeling the Federal Open Market Committee.” 

This year’s winner is Pace University, representing the New York Federal Reserve District. Harvard College took second place and the University of California, Los Angeles took third place. The University of Pennsylvania, the University of Chicago, and Davidson College received honorable mentions. In 2024, the competition was won by the team from Princeton University, representing the Philadelphia Federal Reserve District.

This year, 139 colleges in 36 states participated in the competition. The rules of the competition are described here. After the competition, Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell noted that: “Fed Challenge offers undergraduate students an opportunity to learn firsthand about monetary policy and the work of the Federal Reserve. I thank these students for the dedication, creativity, and analytical skills they demonstrated as they grappled with real-world economic challenges.”

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Surprisingly Strong September Jobs Report

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If not for the shutdown of the federal government, the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) would have already released its “Employment Situation” report (often called the “jobs report”) for September and October by now. The September jobs report was released today based largely on data collected before the shutdown.

The jobs report has two estimates of the change in employment during the month: one estimate from the establishment survey, often referred to as the payroll survey, and one from the household survey. As we discuss in Macroeconomics, Chapter 9, Section 9.1 (Economics, Chapter 19, Section 19.1), many economists and Federal Reserve policymakers believe that employment data from the establishment survey provide a more accurate indicator of the state of the labor market than do the household survey’s employment data and unemployment data. (The groups included in the employment estimates from the two surveys are somewhat different, as we discuss in this post.)

Because the household survey wasn’t conducted in October, the data in the October report that relies on the household survey won’t be included when the BLS releases establishment employment data for October on December 16. The data for September released today showed the labor market was stronger than expected in that month.

According to the establishment survey, there was a net increase of 119,00 nonfarm jobs during September. This increase was well above the increase of 50,000 that economists surveyed by FactSet had forecast.  Economists surveyed by the Wall Street Journal had also forecast a net increase of 50,000 jobs. The relatively large increase in employment in September was partially offset by the BLS revising downward by a combined 33,000 jobs its previous estimates of employment in July and August. The estimate for August was revised from a net gain of 22,000 to a net loss of 4,000. (The BLS notes that: “Monthly revisions result from additional reports received from businesses and government agencies since the last published estimates and from the recalculation of seasonal factors.”)

The following figure from the jobs report shows the net change in nonfarm payroll employment for each month in the last two years. The figure makes clear the striking deceleration in job growth beginning in May. The Trump administration announced sharp increases in U.S. tariffs on April 2. Media reports indicate that some firms have slowed hiring due to the effects of the tariffs or in anticipation of those effects.

As shown in the following figure, the unemployment rate increased from 4.3 percent in August to 4.4 percent in September, the highest rate since October 2021. The unemployment rate is above the 4.3 percent rate economists surveyed by FactSet had forecast. The unemployment rate had been remarkably stable, staying between 4.0 percent and 4.2 percent in each month from May 2024 to July 2025, before breaking out of that range in August. In September, the members of the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) forecast that the unemployment rate during the fourth quarter of 2025 would average 4.5 percent. The FOMC’s current estimate of the natural rate of unemployment—the normal rate of unemployment over the long run—is 4.2 percent. (We discuss the natural rate of unemployment in Macroeconomics, Chapter 9 and Economics, Chapter 19.)

Each month, the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta estimates how many net new jobs are required to keep the unemployment rate stable. Given slower growth in the working-age population due to the aging of the U.S. population and a sharp decline in immigration, the Atlanta Fed currently estimates that the economy would have to create 111,878 net new jobs each month to keep the unemployment rate stable at 4.4 percent. If this estimate is accurate, if the average monthly net job increase from May through September of 38,600 were to continue, the result would be a rising unemployment rate.

As the following figure shows, the monthly net change in jobs from the household survey moves much more erratically than does the net change in jobs from the establishment survey. As measured by the household survey, there was a net increase of 251,000 jobs in September, following a net increase of 288,000 jobs in August. As an indication of the volatility in the employment changes in the household survey note the very large swings in net new jobs in January and February. In any particular month, the story told by the two surveys can be inconsistent. as was the case in September with employment increasing much more in the household survey than in the employment survey. (In this blog post, we discuss the differences between the employment estimates in the two surveys.)

The household survey has another important labor market indicator: the employment-population ratio for prime age workers—those aged 25 to 54. In September the ratio was 80.7 percent, the same as in August. The prime-age employment-population ratio is somewhat below the high of 80.9 percent in mid-2024, but is still above what the ratio was in any month during the period from January 2008 to February 2020. The continued high levels of the prime-age employment-population ratio indicates strength in the labor market.

It is still unclear how many federal workers have been laid off since the Trump Administration took office. The establishment survey shows a decline in federal government employment of 3,000 in September and a total decline of 97,000 since the beginning of February 2025. However, the BLS notes that: “Employees on paid leave or receiving ongoing severance pay are counted as employed in the establishment survey.” It’s possible that as more federal employees end their period of receiving severance pay, future jobs reports may report a larger decline in federal employment. To this point, the decline in federal employment has had only a small effect on the overall labor market.

The establishment survey also includes data on average hourly earnings (AHE). As we noted in this post, many economists and policymakers believe the employment cost index (ECI) is a better measure of wage pressures in the economy than is the AHE. The AHE does have the important advantage of being available monthly, whereas the ECI is only available quarterly. The following figure shows the percentage change in the AHE from the same month in the previous year. The AHE increased 3.8 percent in September, the same as in August.

The following figure shows wage inflation calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. (The figure above shows what is sometimes called 12-month wage inflation, whereas this figure shows 1-month wage inflation.) One-month wage inflation is much more volatile than 12-month wage inflation—note the very large swings in 1-month wage inflation in April and May 2020 during the business closures caused by the Covid pandemic. In September, the 1-month rate of wage inflation was 3.0 percent, down from 5.1 percent in August. This slowdown in wage growth may be an indication of a weakening labor market. But one month’s data from such a volatile series may not accurately reflect longer-run trends in wage inflation.

What effect might today’s jobs report have on the decisions of the Federal Reserve’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) with respect to setting its target range for the federal funds rate? The minutes from the FOMC’s last meeting on October 28–29 indicate that committee members had “strongly differing views” over whether to cut the target range by 0.25 percentage point (25 basis points) at its next meeting on December 9–10 or to leave the target range unchanged.

One indication of expectations of future changes in the FOMC’s target for the federal funds rate comes from investors who buy and sell federal funds futures contracts. (We discuss the futures market for federal funds in this blog post.) A month ago, investors assigned a 98.8 percent probability of the committee cutting its target range to 3.50 percent to 3.75 percent at its December meeting. Since that time indications have increased that output and employment growth have continued to be relatively strong and that inflation is stuck above the Fed’s 2 percent annual target. This morning, as the following figure shows, investors assign a probability of 60. 4 percent to the committee keeping its target unchanged at 3.75 percent to 4.00 percent at the December meeting. Committee members will also release their Summary of Economic Projections (SEP) at that meeting. The SEP, along with Fed Chair Powell’s remarks at his press conference following the meeting, should provide additional information on the monetary policy path the committee intends to follow in the coming months.



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Is the iPhone Air Apple’s “New Coke”?

Image created by GPT

Most large firms selling consumer goods continually evaluate which new products they should introduce. Managers of these firms are aware that if they fail to fill a market niche, their competitors or a new firm may develop a product to fill the niche. Similarly, firms search for ways to improve their existing products.

For example, Ferrara Candy, had introduced Nerds in 1983. Although Nerds experienced steady sales over the following years, company managers decided to devote resources to improving the brand. In 2020, they introduced Nerds Gummy Clusters, which an article in the Wall Street Journal describes as being “crunchy outside and gummy inside.” Over five years, sales of Nerds increased from $50 millions to $500 million. Although the company’s market research “suggested that Nerds Gummy Clusters would be a dud … executives at Ferrara Candy went with their guts—and the product became a smash.”

Image of Nerds Gummy Clusters from nerdscandy.com

Firms differ on the extent to which they rely on market research—such as focus groups or polls of consumers—when introducing a new product or overhauling an existing product. Henry Ford became the richest man in the United States by introducing the Model T, the first low-priced and reliable mass-produced automobile. But Ford once remarked that if before introducing the Model T he had asked people the best way to improve transportation they would probably have told him to develop a faster horse.  (Note that there’s a debate as to whether Ford ever actually made this observation.) Apple co-founder Steve Jobs took a similar view, once remaking in an interview that “it’s really hard to design products by focus groups. A lot of times, people don’t know what they want until you show it to them.” In another interview, Jobs stated: “We do no market research. We don’t hire consultants.”

Unsurprisingly, not all new products large firms introduce are successful—whether the products were developed as a result of market research or relied on the hunches of a company’s managers. To take two famous examples, consider the products shown in image at the beginning of this post—“New Coke” and the Ford Edsel.

Pepsi and Coke have been in an intense rivalry for decades. In the 1980s, Pepsi began to gain market share at Coke’s expense as a result of television commercials showcasing the “Pepsi Challenge.” The Pepsi Challenge had consumers choose from colas in two unlabeled cups. Consumers overwhelming chose the cup containing Pepsi. Coke’s management came to believe that Pepsi was winning the blind taste tests because Pepsi was sweeter than Coke and consumers tend to favor sweeter colas. In 1985, Coke’s managers decided to replace the existing Coke formula—which had been largely unchanged for almost 100 years—with New Coke, which had a sweeter taste. Unfortunately for Coke’s managers, consumers’ reaction to New Coke was strongly negative. Less than three months later, the company reintroduced the original Coke, now labeled “Coke Classic.” Although Coke produced both versions of the cola for a number of years, eventually they stopped selling New Coke.

Through the 1920s, the Ford Motor Company produced only two car models—the low-priced Model T and the high-priced Lincoln. That strategy left an opening for General Motors during the 1920s to introduce a variety of car models at a number of price levels. Ford scrambled during the 1930s and after the end of World War II in 1945 to add new models that would compete directly with some of GM’s models. After a major investment in new capacity and an elaborate marketing campaign, Ford introduced the Edsel in September 1957 to compete against GM’s mid-priced models: Pontiac, Oldsmobile, and Buick.

Unfortunately, the Edsel was introduced during a sharp, although relatively short, economic recession. As we discuss in Macroeconomics, Chapter 13 (Economics, Chapter 23), consumers typically cut back on purchases of consumer durables like automobiles during a recession. In addition, the Edsel suffered from reliability problems and many consumers disliked the unusual design, particularly of the front of the car. Consumers were also puzzled by the name Edsel. Ford CEO Henry Ford II was the grandson of Henry Ford and the son of Edsel Ford, who had died in 1943. Henry Ford II named in the car in honor of his father but the unusual name didn’t appeal to consumers. Ford ceased production of the car in November 1959 after losing $250 million, which was one of the largest losses in business history to that point. The name “Edsel” has lived on as a synonym for a disastrous product launch.

Screenshot

Image of iPhone Air from apple.com

Apple earns about half of its revenue and more than half of its profit from iPhone sales. Making sure that it is able to match or exceed the smartphone features offered by competitors is a top priority for CEO Tim Cook and other Apple managers. Because Apple’s iPhones are higher-priced than many other smartphones, Apple has tried various approaches to competing in the market for lower-priced smartphones.

In 2013, Apple was successful in introducing the iPad Air, a thinner, lower-priced version of its popular iPad. Apple introduced the iPhone Air in September 2025, hoping to duplicate the success of the iPad Air. The iPhone Air has a titanium frame and is lighter than the regular iPhone model. The Air is also thinner, which means that its camera, speaker, and its battery are all a step down from the regular iPhone 17 model. In addition, while the iPhone Air’s price is $100 lower than the iPhone 17 Pro, it’s $200 higher than the base model iPhone 17.

Unlike with the iPad Air, Apple doesn’t seem to have aimed the iPhone Air at consumers looking for a lower-priced alternative. Instead, Apple appears to have targeted consumers who value a thinner, lighter phone that appears more stylish, because of its titanium frame, and who are willing to sacrifice some camera and sound quality, as well as battery life. An article in the Wall Street Journal declared that: “The Air is the company’s most innovative smartphone design since the iPhone X in 2017.”  As it has turned out, there are apparently fewer consumers who value this mix of features in a smartphone than Apple had expected.

Sales were sufficiently disappointing that within a month of its introduction, Apple ordered suppliers to cut back production of iPhone Air components by more than 80 percent. Apple was expected to produce 1 million fewer iPhone Airs during 2025 than the company had initially planned. An article in the Wall Street Journal labeled the iPhone Air “a marketing win and a sales flop.” According to a survey by the KeyBanc investment firm there was “virtually no demand for [the] iPhone Air.”

Was Apple having its New Coke moment? There seems little doubt that the iPhone Air has been a very disappointing new product launch. But its very slow sales haven’t inflicted nearly the damage that New Coke caused Coca-Cola or that the Edsel caused Ford. A particularly damaging aspect of New Coke was that was meant as a replacement for the existing Coke, which was being pulled from production. The result was a larger decline in sales than if New Coke had been offered for sale alongside the existing Coke. Similarly, Ford set up a whole new division of the company to produce and sell the Edsel. When Edsel production had to be stopped after only two years, the losses were much greater than they would have been if Edsel production hadn’t been planned to be such a large fraction of Ford’s total production of automobiles.

Although very slow iPhone Air sales have caused Apple to incur losses on the model, the Air was meant to be one of several iPhone models and not the only iPhone model. Clearly investors don’t believe that problems with the Air will matter much to Apple’s profits in the long run. The following graphic from the Wall Street Journal shows that Apple’s stock price has kept rising even after news of serious problems with Air sales became public in late October.


So, while the iPhone Air will likely go down as a failed product launch, it won’t achieve the legendary status of New Coke or the Edsel.

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Solved Problem: Using the Demand and Supply Model to Analyze the Effects of a Tariff on Televisions

Supports: Microeconomics, Macroeconomics, Economics, and Essentials of Economics, Chapter 4, Section 4.4

Image generated by ChapGPT

The model of demand and supply is useful in analyzing the effects of tariffs. In Chapter 9, Section 9.4 (Macroeconomics, Chapter 7, Section 7.4) we analyze the situation—for instance, the market for sugar—when U.S. demand is a small fraction of total world demand and when the U.S. both produces the good and imports it.

In this problem, we look at the television market and assume that no domestic firms make televisions. (A few U.S. firms assemble limited numbers of televisions from imported components.) As a result, the supply of televisions consists entirely of imports. Beginning in April, the Trump administration increased tariff rates on imports of televisions from Japan, South Korea, China, and other countries. Tariffs are effectively a tax on imports, so we can use the analysis in Chapter 4, Section 4.4, “The Economic Effect of Taxes” to analyze the effect of tariffs on the market for televisions.  

  1. Use a demand and supply graph to illustrate the effect of an increased tariff on imported televisions on the market for televisions in the United States. Be sure that your graph shows any shifts of the curves and the equilibrium price and quantity of televisions before and after the tariff increase.
  2. An article in the Wall Street Journal discussed the effect of tariffs on the market for used goods. Use a second demand and supply graph to show the effect of a tariff on imports of new televisions on the market in the United States for used televisions. Assume that no used televisions are imported and that the supply curve for used televisions is upward sloping.

Solving the Problem
Step 1: Review the chapter material. This problem is about the effect of a tariff on an imported good on the domestic market for the good. Because a tariff is a like a tax, you may want to review Chapter 4, Section 4.4, “The Economic Effect of Taxes.”

Step 2: Answer part a. by drawing a demand and supply graph of the market for televisions in the United States that illustrates the effect of an increased tariff on imported televisions.  The following figure shows that a tariff causes the supply curve of televisions to shift up from S1 to S2. As a result, the equilibrium price increases from P1 to P2, while the equilibrium quantity falls from Q1 to Q2.

Step 2: Answer part b. by drawing a demand and supply graph of the market for used televisions in the United States that illustrates the effect on that market of an increased tariff on imports of new televisions. Although the tariff on imported televisions doesn’t directly affect the market for used televisions, it does so indirectly. As the article from the Wall Street Journal notes, “Today, in the tariff era, demand for used goods is surging.” Because used televisions are substitutes for new televisions, we would expect that an increase in the price of new televisions would cause the demand curve for used televisions to shift to the right, as shown in the following figure. The result will be that the equilibrium price of used televisions will increase from P1 to P2, while the equilibrium quantity of used televisions will increase from Q1 to Q2.

To summarize: A tariff on imports of new televisions increases the price of both new and used televisions. It decreases the quantity of new televisions sold but increases the quantity of used televisions sold.

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NEW! 11-07-25- Podcast – Authors Glenn Hubbard & Tony O’Brien discuss Tariffs, AI, and the Economy

Glenn Hubbard and Tony O’Brien begin by examining the challenges facing the Federal Reserve due to incomplete economic data, a result of federal agency shutdowns. Despite limited information, they note that growth remains steady but inflation is above target, creating a conundrum for policymakers. The discussion turns to the upcoming appointment of a new Fed chair and the broader questions of central bank independence and the evolving role of monetary policy. They also address the uncertainty surrounding AI-driven layoffs, referencing contrasting academic views on whether artificial intelligence will complement existing jobs or lead to significant displacement. Both agree that the full impact of AI on productivity and employment will take time to materialize, drawing parallels to the slow adoption of the internet in the 1990s.

The podcast further explores the recent volatility in stock prices of AI-related firms, comparing the current environment to the dot-com bubble and questioning the sustainability of high valuations. Hubbard and O’Brien discuss the effects of tariffs, noting that price increases have been less dramatic than expected due to factors like inventory buffers and contractual delays. They highlight the tension between tariffs as tools for protection and revenue, and the broader implications for manufacturing, agriculture, and consumer prices. The episode concludes with reflections on the importance of ongoing observation and analysis as these economic trends evolve.

https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/soundcloud%253Atracks%253A2208512723&color=%23ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false&show_teaser=true&visual=true

Pearson Economics · Hubbard OBrien Economics Podcast – 11-06-25 – Economy, AI, & Tariffs

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Older People Have Become Relatively Wealthier While Younger People Have Become Relatively Less Wealthy

Image created by ChatGPT

There has been an ongoing debate about whether Millennials and people in Generation Z are better off or worse off economically than are Baby Boomers. Edward Wolff of New York University recently published a National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER) working paper that focuses on one aspect of this debate—how the wealth of households headed by someone 75 years and older changed relative to the wealth of households headed by someone 35 years and younger during the period from 1983 to 2022.  

Wolff uses data from the Federal Reserve’s Survey of Consumer Finances to measure the wealth, or net worth, of people in these age groups—the market value of their financial assets minus the market value of their financial liabilities. He includes in his measure of assets the market value of people’s real estate holdings—including their homes—stocks and bonds, bank deposits, contributions to defined contribution pension funds, unincorporated businesses, and trust funds. He includes in his measure of liabilities people’s mortgage debt, consumer debt—including credit card balances—and other debt, such as educational loans.  Because Wolff wants to focus on that part of wealth that is available to be spent on consumption, he refers to it as financial resources, and he excludes from his wealth measure the present value of future Social Security payments and the present value of future defined contribution pension benefits.

The following figure from Wolff’s paper shows that, using his definition, both median and mean wealth have increased substantially from 1987 to 2o22. Note that both measures of average wealth declined during the Great Recession and Global Financial Crisis of 2007–2009. Median wealth declined by nearly 44 percent between 2007 and 2010. That median wealth grew much faster than mean wealth over the whole period indicates that wealth inequality.

Although the average wealth of all age groups increased over this period, the relative wealth of households 75 years and older rose and the relative wealth of households 35 years and younger fell. The following figure from the NBER Digest illustrates this shift. The 75 and over age group increased its mean net worth from 5 percent greater than the mean net worth of the average household in 1983 to 55 percent of the mean net worth of the average household in 2022. In contrast, the 35 and under age group saw its mean new worth relative to the average household fall from 21 percent in 1983 to 16 percent in 2022. Note, though, that there is significant volatility over time in the relative wealth shares of the two age groups.

What explains the relative increase in wealth among households 75 and over and the relative decrease in wealth among households 35 and under? Wolff identifies three key factors:

“[T]he homeownership rate, total stocks directly and indirectly owned, and home mortgage debt. The homeownership rate is the same in the two years for the youngest group but falls relative to the overall rate, whereas it shoots up for the oldest group both in actual level and relative to the overall average. The value of stock holdings rises for both age groups but vastly more for the oldest households compared to the youngest ones and accounts for a substantial portion of the elderly’s relative wealth gains. Mortgage debt rises in dollar terms for both groups but considerably more in relative terms for the youngest group.”

Perhaps surprisingly, Wolff finds that “despite dire press reports, educational loans fail to appear as a significant factor” in explaining the decline in the relative wealth of younger households. 

 

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FOMC Meeting Results in Expected Rate Cut

Photo of Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell from federalreserve.gov

Today’s meeting of the Federal Reserve’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) occurred against a backdrop of a shutdown of the federal government that has delayed release of most government economic data. (We discuss the government shutdown here, here, and here.)

As most observers had expected, the committee decided today to lower its target for the federal funds rate from a range of 4.00 percent to 4.25 percent to a range of 3.75 percent to 4.oo percent—a cut of 0.25 percentage point, or 25 basis points. The members of the committee voted 10 to 2 for the 25 basis point cut with Governor Stephen Miran dissenting because he preferred a 50 basis point cut and Jeffrey Schmid, president of the Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City, dissenting because he preferred that the target range be left unchanged at this meeting.

The following figure shows, for the period since January 2010, the upper bound (the blue line) and the lower bound (the green line) for the FOMC’s target range for the federal funds rate, as well as the actual values of the federal funds rate (the red line). Note that the Fed has been successful in keeping the value of the federal funds rate in its target range. (We discuss the monetary policy tools the FOMC uses to maintain the federal funds rate in its target range in Macroeconomics, Chapter 15, Section 15.2 (Economics, Chapter 25, Section 25.2).)

During his press conference following the meeting, Fed Chair Jerome Powell made news by stating that a further cut in the target rate at the FOMC’s meeting on December 9–10 is not a foregone conclusion. This statement came as a surprise to investors who buy and sell federal funds futures contracts. (We discuss the futures market for federal funds in this blog post.)  As of yesterday, investors has assigned a probability of 90.5 percent to the committee cutting its target range by another 25 basis points at the December meeting. Today that probability dropped to zero. Instead investors now assign a probability of 67.8 percent to the target remaining unchanged at that meeting, and a probability of 32.2 percent of the committee raising its target by 25 basis points.

Powell also indicated that he believes that the recent increase in inflation was largely due to the effects of the increase in tariff rates that the Trump administration began implementing in April. (We discuss the recent data on inflation in this post.) Powell indicated that committee members expect that the tariff increases will cause a one-time increase in the price level, rather than a long-term increase in the inflation rate. As a result, he said that the shift in the “balance of risks” caused the committee to believe that cutting the target for the federal funds rate was warranted to avoid the possibility of a significant rise in the unemployment rate.

In discussing inflation, Powell highlighted three aspects of the recent CPI report: inflation in goods, inflation in shelter, and inflation in services not including shelter. (The BLS explains is measurement of shelter here.) The following figure shows inflation in each of those categories, measured as the percentage increase from the same month in the previous year. Inflation in goods (the blue line) has been trending up, reflecting the effect of increased tariffs rates. Inlation in shelter (the red line) and in services minus shelter (the green line) have generally been trending downward. Powell noted that the decline in inflation in shelter has been slower than most members of the committee had expected.

Still, Powell argued that with the downward trend in services, once the temporary inflation in goods due to the effects of tariffs had passed through the economy, inflation was likely to be close the Fed’s 2 percent annual target. He thought this was particularly likely to be true because even after today’s cut, the federal funds rate was “restrictive” because it remained above its long-run nominal and real values. A restrictive monetary policy will slow spending and inflation.

In the following figure, we look at the 1-month inflation rates—that is, the annual inflation rates calculated by compounding the current month’s rates over an entire year—for the same three categories. Calculated as the 1-month inflation rate, goods inflation (the blue line) was running at a very high 6.6 percent in September. inflation in shelter (the red line) had declined to 2.5 per cent in September. Inflation in services minus shelter rose slightly in September to 2.1 percent.

Assuming that the shutdown of the federal government ends within the next few weeks, members of the FOMC will have a great deal of data on inflation, real GDP growth, and employment to consider before their next meeting in December.

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Who Will President Trump Nominate to Be Fed Chair?

Kevin Hassett, director of the National Economic Council (photo from the AP via the Wall Street Journal)

Jerome Powell’s second term as chair of the Federal Reserve’s Board of Governor ends on May 15,2026. (Although his term as a member of the Board of Governors doesn’t end until January 31, 2028, Fed chairs have typically resigned their seats on the Board at the time that their term as chair ends.) President Trump has been clear that he won’t renominate Powell to a third term. Who will he nominate?

Polymarket is a site on which people can bet on political outcomes, including who President Trump will choose to nominate as Fed chair. The different amounts wagered on each candidate determine the probabilities bettors assign to that candidate being nominated. The following table shows each candidate with a probability of least 1 percent of being nominated as of 5 pm eastern time on October 27.

Kevin Hassett, who is currently the director of the National Economic Council, has the highest probability at 36 percent. Fed Governor Christopher Waller, who was nominated to the Board by President Trump in 2020, is second with a 23 percent probability. Kevin Warsh, who served on the Board from 2006 to 2011, and was important in formulating monetary policy during the financial crisis of 2007–2009, is third with a probability of 16 percent. Rick Reider, an executive at the investment company Black Rock, is unusual among the candidates in not having served in government. Bettors on Polymarket assign him a 10 percent probability of being nominated. Stephen Miran and Michelle Bowman are current members of the Board who were nominated by President Trump.

Scott Bessent is the current Treasury secretary and has indicated that he doesn’t wish to be nominated. James Bullard served as president of the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis from 2008 to 2023. David Zervos is an executive at the Jeffries investment bank and in 2009 served as an adviser to the Board of Governors. Lorie Logan is president of the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas and Philip Jefferson is currently vice chair of the Board of Governors.

Today, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent indicated that the list of candidates had been reduced to five—although bettors on Polymarket indicate that they believe these five are likely to be the first five candidates listed in the chart above, it appears that Bowman, rather than Miran, is the fifth candidate on Bessent’s lists. Bessent indicated that President Trump will likely make a decision on who he will nominate by the end of the year.

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CPI Inflation for September Slightly Below Forecasts but Still Above Target

Image generated by ChatGPT

As we’ve noted in recent blog posts (here and here), the shutdown of the federal government has interrupted the release of government data, including the “Employment Situation” report prepared monthly by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS). The federal government made an exception for the BLS report on the consumer price index (CPI) because annual cost-of-living increases in Social Security payments are determined by the average inflation rate in the CPI during July, August, and September.

Accordingly, today (October 24), the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) released its report on the consumer price index (CPI) for September. The following figure compares headline CPI inflation (the blue line) and core CPI inflation (the red line).

  • The headline inflation rate, which is measured by the percentage change in the CPI from the same month in the previous year, was 3.0 percent in September, up from 2.9 percent in August. 
  • The core inflation rate, which excludes the prices of food and energy, was also 3.0 percent in September, down slightly from 3.1 percent in August. 

Headline inflation and core inflation were both slightly lower than the 3.1 rate for both measures that economists had expected.

In the following figure, we look at the 1-month inflation rates for headline and core inflation—that is the annual inflation rate calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. Calculated as the 1-month inflation rate, headline inflation (the blue line) declined from the very high rate of 4.7 percent in August to the still high rate of 3.8 percent in September. Core inflation (the red line) declined from 4.2 percent in August to 2.8 percent in September.

The 1-month and 12-month inflation rates are both indicating that inflation remains well above the Fed’s 2 percent annual inflation target in September. Core inflation—which is often a good indicator of future inflation—in particular has been running well above target during the last three months. 

Of course, it’s important not to overinterpret the data from a single month. The figure shows that the 1-month inflation rate is particularly volatile. Also note that the Fed uses the personal consumption expenditures (PCE) price index, rather than the CPI, to evaluate whether it is hitting its 2 percent annual inflation target.

Does the increase in inflation represent the effects of the increases in tariffs that the Trump administration announced on April 2? (Note that many of the tariff increases announced on April 2 have since been reduced.) The following figure shows 12-month inflation in durable goods—such as furniture, appliances, and cars—which are likely to be affected directly by tariffs, all core goods, and core services. Services are less likely to be affected by tariffs.. To make recent changes clearer, we look only at the months since January 2022. In August, inflation in durable goods declined slightly to 1.8 percent in September from 1.9 percent in August. Inflation in core goods was unchanged in September at 1.5 percent. Inflation in core services fell slightly in September to 3.5 percent from 3.6 percent in August.

The following figure shows 1-month inflation in the prices of these products, which may makes clearer the effects of the tariff increases. In September, durable goods inflation was a high 4.0 percent, although down from 5.1 percent in August. Core goods inflation in September was 2.7 percent, down from 3.4 percent in August. Core service inflation was 2.9 percent in August, down from 4.3 percent in August.

To better estimate the underlying trend in inflation, some economists look at median inflation and trimmed mean inflation.

  • Median inflation is calculated by economists at the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland and Ohio State University. If we listed the inflation rate in each individual good or service in the CPI, median inflation is the inflation rate of the good or service that is in the middle of the list—that is, the inflation rate in the price of the good or service that has an equal number of higher and lower inflation rates. 
  • Trimmed-mean inflation drops the 8 percent of goods and services with the highest inflation rates and the 8 percent of goods and services with the lowest inflation rates. 

The following figure shows that 12-month trimmed-mean inflation (the blue line) was 3.2 percent in September, down slightly from 3.3 August. Twelve-month median inflation (the red line) 3.5 percent in September, down slightly from 3.6 in August.

The following figure shows 1-month trimmed-mean and median inflation. One-month trimmed-mean inflation declined from 3.2 percent in August to 2.4 percent in September. One-month median inflation declined from 3.4 percent in August to 2.4 percent in September. These data are consistent with the view that inflation is still running above the Fed’s 2 percent target.

With inflation running above the Fed’s 2 percent annual target, we wouldn’t typically expect that the Fed’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) would cut its target for the federal funds rate at its October 28–29 meeting. At this point, though, it seems likely that the FOMC will “look through” the higher inflation rates of the last few months because the higher rates may be largely attributable to one-time price increases caused by tariffs. Committee members have signaled that they are likely to cut their target for the federal funds rate by 0.25 percentage point (25 basis points) at the conclusion of next week’s meeting.

This morning, investors who buy and sell federal funds futures contracts assign a probability of 96.7 percent to the FOMC cutting its target for the federal funds rate at that meeting by 25 basis points from its current target range of 4.00 percent to 4.25 percent. Investors assign a 95.9 percent probability of the committee cutting its target by an additional 25 basis points to 3.50 percent to 3.75 percent at its December 9–10 meeting. If persistently high inflation rates reflect more than just the temporary effects of tariffs, these rate cuts will make it unlikely that the Fed will reach its 2 percent inflation target anytime soon.

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Fed Has Apparently Lost Early Access to ADP Employment Data

Fed Governor Christopher Wallace on October 21, 2025 at the Fed’s Payment Innovation Conference (photo from federalreserve.gov)

The current partial shutdown of the federal government has delayed the release by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) of its “Employment Situation” report (often called the “jobs report”). The report had originally been scheduled to be released on October 3. In a recent blog post we discussed how well the employment data collected by the private payroll processing firm Automatic Data Processing (ADP) serves as an alternative measure of the state of the labor market. In that post we showed that ADP data on total private payroll employment tracks fairly well the BLS data on total private employment from its establishment survey (often called the payroll survey) .

An article in today’s Wall Street Journal reports that ADP has stopped providing the Fed with early access to its data. Apparently, as a public service ADP had been providing its data to the Fed a week before the data was publicly released. The article notes that ADP stopped providing the data soon after this speech delievered by Fed Governor Christopher Wallace in late August. In a footnote to the speech Wallace refers to “data that Federal Reserve staff maintains in collaboration with the employment services firm ADP.” The article points out, though, that Waller’s speech was only one of several times since 2019 that a Fed official has publicly mentioned receiving data from ADP.

Losing early access to the ADP data comes at a difficult time for the Fed, given that the BLS employment data are not available. In addition, the labor market has shown signs of weakening even though growth has remained strong in measures of output. If payroll employment has been falling, rather than growing slowly as it was in the August jobs report, that knowledge would affect the deliberations of the Fed’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) at its next meeting on October 28–29. Serious deterioration in the labor market could lead the FOMC to cut its target for the federal funds rate by more than the expected 0.25 percentage point (25 basis points).

In a speech in 2019, Fed Chair Jerome Powell noted that the Fed staff had used ADP data to develop a new measure of payroll employment. Had that measure been available in 2008, Powell argued, the FOMC would have realized earlier than it did that employment was being severely affected by the deepening of the financial crisis:

“[I]n the first eight months of 2008, as the Great Recession was getting underway, the official monthly employment data showed total job losses of about 750,000. A later benchmark revision told a much bleaker story, with declines of about 1.5 million. Our new measure, had it been available in 2008, would have been much closer to the revised data, alerting us that the job situation might be considerably worse than the official data suggested.”

The Wall Street Journal article notes that Powell has urged ADP to resume sharing its employment data with the Fed.

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Increased Demand for Collectibles Leads to an Increase in Supply—but Not in a Good Way

This pair of ruby slippers worn by Judy Garland playing the role of Dorothy in the Wizard of Oz sold at auction last December for $32.5 million.

One of the most important ideas in economics is that an increase in the price of a good attracts new entrants into that market. In the short run, before there is time for new firms to enter an industry, an increase in price leads to a movement up the supply curve for the good (an increase in the quantity supplied). In the long run, a higher price leads to the entry of new firms (an increase in supply), which forces the price of the good back down to the level at which firms in the industry just break even. The following figure from Microeconomics, Chapter 12 illustrates the effects of entry in the case of the market for cage-free eggs. An increase in demand occurs when the price is $2.00 per dozen. The increased demand forces a price increase to $3.00, but, over time, entry of new firms forces the price back down to $2.00.

But what if the supply of a good is fixed, as in the case of collectibles such as the props used in a movie? In that situation, we would expect that entry is impossible. Demand for props used in movies—particularly classic movies—has soared in recent years leading to sharply increased prices. A pair of ruby slippers (as they are usually called even though they are actually shoes rather than slippers) used in the filming of The Wizard of Oz sold at auction in December for $32.5 million. Shown below is the “Rosebud” sled used in the filming of Citizen Kane—thought by some critics to be the greatest film ever made. It sold for $14.75 million in June of this year.

The model of an X-Wing Starfighter shown below was used in filiming the first Star Wars film and sold at auction for $3.135 million.

Unlike with cage-free eggs, these high prices won’t attract new entry because the value of these goods comes from their having been used in the making of classic films. (Of course, the high prices may lead some people who own similar props from these movies to offer them for sale—a movement up the supply curve, rather than a shift in the curve.)

According to a recent article in the Los Angeles Times (a subscription may be required), some unscrupulous people have attempted to enter the market for collectible movie props by creating counterfeits. According to the article, 3D printers have made it easier for scammers to create duplicates of movie props. For instance, according to the article, earlier this year an auction house advertised that it would be offering for sale the only surviving Han Solo DL-44 blaster used in the filming of the first Star Wars movie. (Shown in the image below, which was generated by ChatGPT.) The auction house estimated that the blaster could sell for more than $3 million.

Collectors carefully analyzed the photos shown on the auction site and discovered several discrepancies between the prop being offered for sale and the actual prop used in the film. The auction house concluded that the prop was a counterfeit and withdrew it from sale.

The article quoted Jason Henry, who is a television producer and who makes online videos on movie collectibles, as saying:

“As the prices go up, the supply is going up as well, which doesn’t seem like that’s how it should be. And it’s not because there’s actually more of the original pieces, there’s actually just more fakes or questionable pieces as we like to call it, that are flying into the market.”

It’s unfortunate, but unsurprising to an economist, that in this case the very strong incentive to enter a profitable industry has led some people to break the law by creating counterfeit movie props.

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Mokyr, Aghion, and Howitt Win 2025 Nobel Prize in Economics

Joel Mokyr (photo from news.northwestern. edu)

Philippe Aghion (photo from philippeaghion.com)

Peter Howitt (photo from brown.edu)

For most of human history there was little to no economic growth. Until the nineteenth century, the average person everywhere in the world lived at a subsistence level. For example, although the Roman Empire controlled most of Southern and Western Europe, the Near East, and North Africa for more than 400 years, the living standard of the average citizen of the Empire was no higher at the end of the Empire than it had been at the beginning.

Economists typically measure economic growth by the rate of increase in real GDP per capita. The following figure, updated from Chapter 11 of Macroeconomics (Chapter 21 of Economics), shows the slow pace of growth in real GDP per capita in the world economy from the year 1 to the year 1820 and the much faster rates of growth over the following periods. As discussed in Chapter 11, the figure relies on data compiled by Angus Maddison of University of Groningen in the Netherlands and—for recent years—data from the World Bank.

This year’s three Nobelists have contributed to understanding why economic growth accelerated sharply in the nineteenth century and why England was the first country to experienced sustained increases in real GDP per capita—an event labeled the Industrial Revolution. Joel Mokyr of Northwestern University has conducted decades of research into which innovations were crucial to economic growth and the institutional and economic advantages that allowed entrepreneurs in England to use those innovations to expand production much more rapidly than had happened before. Philippe Aghion of Collège de France and INSEAD and Peter Howitt of Brown University have focused on formally modeling the process of creative destruction that underlies sustained economic growth. The classic discussion of creative destruction appears in Joseph Schumpeter’s book Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy, published in 1942.

In Macroeconomics Chapter 21, we discuss the process of creative destruction in the context of economic growth. Creative destruction occurs as technological change results in new products that drive firms producing older products out of business. Examples are automobiles driving out of business producers of horse-drawn carriages in the early twentieth century. Or Netflix and other movie streaming sites driving video rental stores out of business in more recent years.

The Nobel Committee’s announcement of the prize can be found here. A longer discussion of the Nobelists’ work can be found here. The scope of their research can be seen by reviewing their curricula vitae, which can be found here, here, and here. The amount of the prize this years is 11 million Swedish kronor (about $1.2 million). Mokyr receives half and Aghion and Howitt receive the other half.

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Buy Stablecoins and Receive … a Free Toaster?

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Beginning in 1933, under the Federal Reserve’s Regulation Q, commercial banks were prohibited from paying interest on checking account deposits. As we discuss in Money, Banking, and the Financial System, Chapter 12, Section 12.4, in 1980 Congress allowed banks to pay interest on Negotiable Order of Withdrawal (NOW) accounts. Because NOW accounts effectively functioned as checking accounts, many people moved funds out of checking accounts and into NOW accounts.

Once NOW accounts were available, a bank could try to attract deposits by offering higher interest rates. But what did a bank do to attract deposits prior to 1980 when it couldn’t legally pay interest? Many banks offered rewards, such as toasters, clock radios, or other small appliances, to people who opened a new checking account or made a large deposit. Banks heavily advertised these rewards on television and radio and in newspapers. The 1960s and 1970s are sometimes called “the free-toaster era” in banking. For example, in 1973, the Marquette National Bank placed this advertisement in a local Minneapolis newspaper offering a variety of gifts to anyone depositing $250 or more in a checking account.

In 1977, a bank in Morton Grove, Illinois offered candy bowls and ashtrays to people opening new accounts.

Congress authorized NOW accounts because as interest rates rose during the 1970s—despite the offers of free gifts—banks  were losing deposits to money market mutual funds and other short-term financial assets such as Treasury bills. Today, banks are afraid that they will lose deposits to cryptocurrencies, particularly stablecoins. As we discuss in this blog post, stablecoins are a type of cryptocurrency—bitcoin is the best-known cryptocurrency—that can be bought and sold for a constant number of units of a currency, usually U.S. dollars. Typically, one stablecoin can be exchanged for one dollar.

In July 2025, Congress passed and President Trump signed the Guiding and Establishing National Innovation for U.S. Stablecoins Act (Genius Act) to provide a regulatory framework for stablecoins. Firms issuing stablecoins earn income on the assets, such as Treasury bills and money market funds that invest in Treasury bills, that they are required to hold to back the stablecoins they issue. But a provision of the Act bars issues of stablecoins from paying interest to holders of stablecoins. So, stablecoin issuers can’t copy the strategy of banks by paying interest to attract deposits and funding the interest on deposits with the interest earnings on their assets.

To this point, few people are buying stablecoins unless they intend to use them in buying and selling bitcoin and other cryptocurrencies or unless they need a convenient way to transfer funds across national borders. Some of these international transfers are related to drug dealing and other illegal activities. Because few retail firms—either brick-and-mortar or online—are equipped to accept stablecoins in payment for goods and services, and because stablecoins pay no interest, most households and firms don’t see stablecoins as good substitutes for checking accounts in banks.

As we discuss in Chapter 12 of Money, Banking, and the Financial System, when the federal government adopts new financial regulations, like the Genius Act, financial firms often respond by attempting to evade the regulations. People buy and sell cryptocurrencies on exchanges, such as Coinbase. Circle issues the stablecoin USDC and has agreed to pay Coinbase some of the interest it earns on Circle’s assets. As the following screenshot from the Coinbase site shows, Coinbase offers to pay interest to anyone who holds USDC on the Coinbase site.

Screenshot

An article in the Wall Street Journal notes that: “The result is something that critics say looks a lot like a yield-bearing stablecoin. Coinbase says the reward program is separate from its revenue-sharing deal with Circle.” If other stablecoins attract funds by offering interest payments in this indirect way and if more retailers begin to accept stablecoins as payment for goods and services—which they have an incentive to do to avoid the 1 percent to 3 percent fee that credit card issuers charge retailers on purchases—banks stand to lose trillions in deposits.  

Smaller banks, often called community banks, might be most at risk from deposit outflows because they are more reliant on deposits to fund their investments than are larger banks. As we discuss in Money, Banking, and the Financial System, Chapter 9, community banks practice relationship banking by using private information to assess the credit risk involved in lending to local borrowers, such as car dealers and restaurants. Many large banks believe that the transaction costs involved in evaluating risk on small business loans make such loans unprofitable. So the disappearance of many community banks may make it more difficult for small businesses to access the credit they need to operate.

The Bank Policy Institute (BPI), which lobbies on behalf of the banking industry, argues that:

“Stablecoin issuers want to engage in banking activities, like paying interest. Being a bank requires the full suite of regulatory requirements, deposit insurance and discount window access that keep banks safe. Stablecoins seeking to offer banking services must be subject to those requirements and protections, rather than using workarounds and backdoors to pay interest, take deposits and access the federal payment rails.”

BPI urges Congress to eliminate the ability of Coinbase and other crypto exhanges to help stablecoin issuers evade the prohibition on paying interest.

If the prohibition on stablecoin issuers paying interest is tightened, how else might issuers attract people to invest in stablecoins? Well, there’s always free toasters!

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The Federal Government Runs Another Large Budget Deficit in Fiscal Year 2025

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The federal government’s fiscal year runs from October 1 to September 30. Today (October 8), the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) released its estimate of the deficit for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2025. The deficit fell slightly from $1,817 billion in 2024 to $1,809 in 2025. As the following figure shows, the budget deficit in 2025 remains very large, particularly at a time when the U.S. economy is at or very close to full employment, although well below the record deficit of $3,133 billion in 2020.

The following table from the CBO report shows that in 2025 federal receipts increased slightly more than federal outlays, leading to a slightly smaller deficit.

The next table shows the changes in the major categories of federal receipts. Individual income and payroll taxes—which fund the Social Security and Medicare programs, as well as the federal government’s contributions to state unemployment insurance plans—both increased, while corporate income tax receipts fell. The biggest change was in custom duties, which more than doubled following the Trump administration’s sharp increase in tariff rates beginning on April 2.

The next table shows the changes in the major categories of federal outlays. Spending on the Social Security, Medicare (health insurance for older people), and Medicaid (health insurance for lower-income people) programs continue to rapidly increase. Spending on Medicare is now more than $100 billion greater than spending on defense. Interest on the public debt continues to increase as the debt increases and interest rates remain well above their pre-2021 levels.

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No BLS Jobs Report Today. Are ADP’s Data a Good Substitute?

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Ordinarily, on the first Friday of a month the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) releases its “Employment Situation” report (often called the “jobs report”) containing data on the labor market for the previous month. There was no jobs report today (October 3) because of the federal government shutdown. (We discuss the shutdown in this blog post.)

The jobs report has two estimates of the change in employment during the month: one estimate from the establishment survey, often referred to as the payroll survey, and one from the household survey. As we discuss in Macroeconomics, Chapter 9, Section 9.1 (Economics, Chapter 19, Section 19.1), many economists and Federal Reserve policymakers believe that employment data from the establishment survey provide a more accurate indicator of the state of the labor market than do the household survey’s employment and unemployment data.

Economists surveyed had forecast that today’s payroll survey would have shown a net increase of 51,000 jobs in September. When the shutdown ends, the BLS will publish its jobs report for September. Until that happens, employment data collected by the private payroll processing firm Automatic Data Processing (ADP) provides an alternative measure of the state of the labor market. ADP data covers only about 20 percent of total private nonfarm employment, but ADP attempts to make its data more consistent with BLS data by weighting its data to reflect the industry weights used in the BLS data.

How closely does ADP employment data track BLS payroll data? The following figure shows the ADP employment series (blue line) and the BLS payroll employment data (red line) with the values for both series set equal to 100 in January 2010. The two series track well with the exception of April and May 2020 during the worst of the pandemic. The BLS series shows a much larger decline in employment during those months than does the ADP series.

The next figure shows the 12-month percentage changes in the two series. Again, the series track fairly well except for the worst months of the pandemic and—strikingly—the month of April 2021 during the economic recovery. In that month, the ADP series increases by only 0.6 percent, while the BLS series soars by 13.1 percent.

Finally, economists, policymakers, and investors usually focus on the change in payroll employment from the previous month—that is, the net change in jobs—shown in the BLS jobs report. The following figure shows the net change in jobs in the two series, starting in January 2021 to avoid some of the largest fluctuations during the pandemic.

Again, the two series track fairly well, although the BLS data is more volatile. The ADP data show a net decline of 32,000 jobs in September. As noted earlier, economists surveyed were expecting a net increase of 51,000 jobs. During the months from May through August, BLS data show an average monthly net increase in jobs of only 39,250. So, whether the BLS number will turn out to be closer to the ADP number or to the number economists had forecast, the message would be the same: Since May, employment has grown only slowly. And, of course, as we’ve seen this year, whatever the BLS’s initial employment estimate for September turns out to be, it’s likely to be subject to significant revision in coming months. (We discuss why BLS revisions to its initial employment estimates can be substantial in this post.)

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The Macroeconomic Effects of a Federal Government Shutdown

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This morning (September 30), the federal government appears headed for a shutdown at midnight. As this handy explainer by David Wessel on the Brookings Institution website notes:

“… federal agencies cannot spend or obligate any money without an appropriation (or other approval) from Congress. When Congress fails to enact the 12 annual appropriation bills, federal agencies must cease all non-essential functions until Congress acts.

Government employees who provide what are deemed essential services, such as air traffic control and law enforcement, continue to work, but don’t get paid until Congress takes action to end the shutdown. All this applies only to the roughly 25% of federal spending subject to annual appropriation by Congress.”

A federal government shutdown can cause significant inconvenience to people who rely on nonessential government services. Federal government employees won’t receive paychecks nor will contractors supplying nonessential services, such as cleaning federal office buildings. Many federal government facilities, such as museums and national parks will be closed or will operate on reduced hours. It seems likely that the Bureau of Labor Statistics will not release on time its “Employment Situation Report” for September, which was due on Friday.

Apart from the effects just listed, how might a shutdown affect the broader economy? The most recent federal government shutdown occurred during the first Trump administration and lasted from December 22, 2018 to January 25, 2019. At the end of that shutdown, the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) prepared a report on its economic effects. The main conclusion of the report was that:

“In CBO’s estimation, the shutdown dampened economic activity mainly because of the loss of furloughed federal workers’ contribution to GDP, the delay in federal spending on goods and services, and the reduction in aggregate demand (which thereby dampened private-sector activity).”

Table 1 from the CBO report shows the effect of the shutdown on federal government expenditures. (Note that the CBO refers to the shutdown as being “partial” because, as in all federal government shutdowns, essential government services continued to be provided.)

Table 2 from the report shows the effects of the shutdown on real GDP.

Most of the macroeconomic effects of a government shutdown aren’t long lasting because most federal government spending that doesn’t occur during the shutdown is postponed rather than eliminated. When federal government employees return to work after the shutdown, they typically receive backpay for the time they were furloughed. The CBO estimates that the lasting effect of the shutdown on GDP was small “about $3 billion in forgone economic activity will not be recovered. That amount equals 0.02 percent of projected annual GDP in 2019.”

Will a federal government shutdown that begins at midnight tonight and lasts for a few weeks also have only a short-lived effect on the economy? That seems likely, although the Trump administration has indicated that if a shutdown occurs, some federal government employees will be fired rather than just furloughed. A significant reduction in federal employment could lead to a larger decrease in GDP that might persist for longer. The effect on the areas of Virginia and Maryland where most federal government workers live could be significant in the short run.

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What Will the U.S. Economy Be Like in 50 Years? Glenn Predicts!

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A Stronger Safety Net

Modern industrial capitalism’s bounty has been breathtaking globally and especially in the U.S. It’s tempting, then, to look at critics in the crowd in Monty Python’s “Life of Brian” as they ask, “What have the Romans ever do for us?,” only to be confronted with a large list of contributions. But, in fact, over time, American capitalism has been saved by adapting to big economic changes.

We’re at another turning point, and the pattern of American capitalism’s keeping its innovative and disruptive core by responding, if sometimes slowly, to structural shocks will play out as follows. 

The magnitude, scope and speed of technological change surrounding generative artificial intelligence will bring forth a new social insurance aimed at long-term, not just cyclical, impacts of disruption. For individuals, it will include support for work, community colleges and training, and wage insurance for older workers. For places, it will include block grants to communities and areas with high structural unemployment to stimulate new business and job opportunities. Such efforts are a needed departure from a focus on cyclical protection from short-term unemployment toward a longer-term bridge of reconnecting to a changing economy. 

These ideas, like America’s historical big responses in land-grant colleges and the GI Bill, combine federal funding support with local approaches (allowing variation in responses to local business and employment opportunities), another hallmark of past U.S. economic policy. 

With a stronger economic safety net, the current push toward higher tariffs and protectionism will gradually fade. Protectionism is a wall against change, but it is one that insulates us from progress, too. 

A growing budget deficit and strains on public finances will lead to a reliance on consumption taxes to replace the current income tax system; continuing to raise taxes on saving and investment will arrest growth prospects. For instance, a tax on business cash flow, which places a levy on a firm’s revenue minus all expenses including investment, would replace taxes on business income. Domestic production would be enhanced by adding a border adjustment to business taxes—exports would be exempt from taxation, but companies can’t claim a deduction for the cost of imports.

That reform allows a shift from helter-skelter tariffs to tax reform that boosts investment and offers U.S. and foreign firms alike an incentive to invest in the U.S. 

These ideas to retain opportunity amid creative destruction will also refresh American capitalism as the nation celebrates its 250th anniversary. They also celebrate the classical liberal ideas of Adam Smith, whose treatise “The Wealth of Nations” appeared the same year. This refresh marries competition’s role in “The Wealth of Nations” and American capitalism with the ability to compete, again a feature of turning points in capitalism in the U.S.

Decades down the road, this “Project 2026” will have preserved the bounty and mass prosperity of American capitalism.

These observations first appeared in the Wall Street Journal, along with predictions from six other economists and economic historians.

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Real GDP Growth Revised Up and PCE Inflation Running Slightly Below Expectations

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Today (September 26), the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) released monthly data on the personal consumption expenditures (PCE) price index as part of its “Personal Income and Outlays” report. Yesterday, the BEA released its revised estimate of real GDP growth in the second quarter. Taken together, the two reports show that economic growth remains realtively strong and that inflation continues to run above the Fed’s 2 percent annual target.

Taking the inflation report first, the following figure shows headline PCE inflation (the blue line) and core PCE inflation (the red line)—which excludes energy and food prices—for the period since January 2018, with inflation measured as the percentage change in the PCE from the same month in the previous year. In August, headline PCE inflation was 2.7 percent, up from 2.6 percent in July. Core PCE inflation in August was 2.9 percent, unchanged from July. Headline PCE inflation was equal to the forecast of economists surveyed, while core PCE inflation was slightly lower than forecast.

The following figure shows headline PCE inflation and core PCE inflation calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. (The figure above shows what is sometimes called 12-month inflation, while this figure shows 1-month inflation.) Measured this way, headline PCE inflation increased from 2.0 percent in July to 3.2 percent in August. Core PCE inflation declined slightly from 2.9 percent in July to 2.8 percent in August. So, both 1-month and 12-month PCE inflation are telling the same story of inflation being well above the Fed’s target. The usual caution applies that 1-month inflation figures are volatile (as can be seen in the figure). In addition, these data likely reflect higher prices resulting from the tariff increases the Trump administration has implemented. Once the one-time price increases from tariffs have worked through the economy, inflation may decline. It’s not clear, however, how long that may take and President Trump indicated yesterday that he may impose new tariffs on pharmaceuticals, large trucks, and furniture.

Fed Chair Jerome Powell has frequently mentioned that inflation in non-market services can skew PCE inflation. Non-market services are services whose prices the BEA imputes rather than measures directly. For instance, the BEA assumes that prices of financial services—such as brokerage fees—vary with the prices of financial assets. So that if stock prices fall, the prices of financial services included in the PCE price index also fall. Powell has argued that these imputed prices “don’t really tell us much about … tightness in the economy. They don’t really reflect that.” The following figure shows 12-month headline inflation (the blue line) and 12-month core inflation (the red line) for market-based PCE. (The BEA explains the market-based PCE measure here.)


Headline market-based PCE inflation was 2.4 percent in August, unchanged from July. Core market-based PCE inflation was 2.6 percent in August, also unchanged from July. So, both market-based measures show inflation as stable but above the Fed’s 2 percent target.

In the following figure, we look at 1-month inflation using these measures. One-month headline market-based inflation increase sharply to 2.5 percent in August from 0.9 percent in July. One-month core market-based inflation increased slightly to 1.9 percent in August from 1.8 percent in July. As the figure shows, the 1-month inflation rates are more volatile than the 12-month rates, which is why the Fed relies on the 12-month rates when gauging how close it is coming to hitting its target inflation rate.


Inflation running above the Fed’s 2 percent target is consistent with relatively strong growth in real GDP. The following figure shows compound annual rates of growth of real GDP, for each quarter since the first quarter of 2023. The value for the second quarter of 2025 is the BEA’s third estimate. This revised estimate increased the growth rate of real GDP to 3.8 percent from the second estimate of 3.3 percent.

The most important contributor to real GDP growth was growth in real personal consumption expenditures, which, as shown in the following figure, increased aat compound annual rate of 2.5 percent in the second quarter, up from 0.6 percent in the first quarter.

High interest rates continue to hold back residential construction, which declined by a compound annual rate of 5.1 percent in the second quarter after declining 1.0 percent in the first quarter.

Business investment in structures, such as factories and office buildings, continued a decline that began in the first quarter of 2024.

Will the relatively strong growth in real GDP in the second quarter continue in the third quarter? Economists at the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta prepare nowcasts of real GDP. A nowcast is a forecast that incorporates all the information available on a certain date about the components of spending that are included in GDP. The Atlanta Fed calls its nowcast GDPNow. As the following figure from the Atlanta Fed website shows, today the GDPNow forecast is for real GDP to grow at an annual rate of 3.9 percent in the third quarter.

Finally, the macroeconomic data released in the last two days has had realtively little effect on the expectations of investors trading federal funds rate futures. Investors assign an 89.8 percent probability to the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) cutting its target for the federal funds rate at its meeting on October 28–29 by 0.25 percentage point (25 basis points) from its current range of 4.00 percent to 4.25 percent. That probability is only slightly lower than 91.9 percent probaiblity that investors had assigned to a 25 basis point cut a week ago. However, the probability of the committee cutting its target rate by another 25 basis points at its December 9–10 fell to 67.0 percent today from 78.6 percent one week ago.

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Solved Problem: The Fed’s Dilemma

Supports: Macroeconomics, Chapter 13, Section 13.3; Economics, Chapter 23, Section 23.3; and Essentials of Economics, Chapter 15, Section 15.3

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A recent article on axios.com made the following observation: “The mainstream view on the Federal Open Market Committee is based on risk management—that the possibility of a further downshift in the job market appears to be the more pressing concern than the chance that inflation will spiral higher.” The article also notes that: “Tariffs’ effects on inflation are probably a one-time bump.”

a. What is the dual mandate that Congress has given the Federal Reserve?

b. In what circumstances might the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) be faced with a conflict between the goals in the dual mandate?

c. What does the author mean by tariffs’ effects on inflation being a “one-time bump”?

d. What does the author mean by the FOMC engaging in “risk management”? What is a “downshift” in the labor market? If the FOMC is more concerned about a downshift in the labor market than about inflation, will the committee raise or lower its target for the federal funds rate? Briefly explain.

Solving the Problem
Step 1: Review the chapter material. This problem is about the policy dilemma the Fed can face when the unemployment rate and the inflation rate are both rising, so you may want to review Macroeconomics, Chapter 13, Section 13.3, “Macroeconomic Equilibrium in the Long Run and the Short Run.”

Step 2: Answer part a. by explaining what the Fed’s dual mandate is. Congress has given the Fed a dual mandate of achieving price stability and maximum employment.

Step 3: Answer part b. by explaining when the FOMC may face a conflict with respect to its dual mandate. When the FOMC is faced with rising unemployment and falling inflation, its preferred policy response is clear: The committee will lower its target for the federal funds rate in order to increase the growth of aggregate demand, which will increase real GDP and reduce unemployment. When the FOMC is faced with falling unemployment and rising inflation, its preferred policy response is also clear: The committee will raise its target for the federal funds rate in order to slow the growth of aggregate demand, which will reduce the inflation rate.

But when the Fed faces an aggregate supply shock, its preferred policy response is unclear. An aggregate supply shock, such as the U.S. economy experienced during the Covid pandemic and again with the tariff increases that the Trump administration began implementing in April, will shift the short-run aggregate supply curve (SRAS) will shift to the left, causing an increase in the price level, along with a decline in real GDP and employment. This combination of rising unemployment and inflation is called stagflation. In this situation, the FOMC faces a policy dilemma: Raising the target for the federal funds rate will help reduce inflation, but will likely increase unemployment, while lowering the target for the federal funds rate will lead to lower unemployment, but will likely increase inflation. The following figure shows the situation during the Covid pandemic when the economy experienced both an aggregate demand and aggregate supply shock. The aggregate demand curve and the aggregate supply curve both shifted to the left, resulting in falling real GDP (and employment) and a rising price level.

Step 4: Answer part c. by explaining what it means to refer to the effect of tariffs on inflation being a “one-time bump.” Tariffs cause the aggregate supply curve to shift to the left because by increasing the prices of raw materials and other inputs, they increase the production costs of some businesses. Assuming that tariffs are not continually increasing, their effect on the price level will end once the production costs of firms stop rising.

Step 5: Answer part d. by explaining what the author means by the FOMC engaing in “risk management,” explaining what a “downshift” in the labor is, and whether if the FOMC is more concerned about a downshift in the labor market than in inflation, it will raise or lower its target for the federal funds rate. The article refers to the “possibility” of a further downshift in the labor market. A downshift in the labor market means that the demand for labor may decline, raising the unemployment rate. Managing the risk of this possibility would involve concentrating on the maximum employment part of the Fed’s dual mandate by lowering its target for the federal funds rate. Note that the expectation that the effect of tariffs on the price level is a one-time bump makes it easier for the committee to focus on the maximum employment part of its mandate because the increase in inflation due to the tariff increases won’t persist.

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Unusual FOMC Meeting Leads to Expected Result of Rate Cut

Photo of Fed Chair Jerome Powell from federalreserve.gov

Today’s meeting of the Federal Reserve’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) occurred against a backdrop of President Trump pressuring the committee to reduce its target for the federal funds rate. In a controversial move, Trump nominated Stephen Miran, chair of Council of Economic Advisers (CEA), to fill an open seat on the Fed’s Board of Governors. Miran took a leave of absence from the CEA rather than resign his position, which made him the first member of the Board of Governors in decades to maintain an appointment elsewhere in the executive branch while serving on the Board. In addition, Trump had fired Governor Lisa Cook on the grounds that she had committed fraud in applying for a mortgage at a time before her appointment to the Board. Cook denied the charge and a federal appeals court sustained an injunction allowing her to participate in today’s meeting.

As most observers had expected, the committee decided today to lower its target for the federal funds rate from a range of 4.25 percent to 4.50 percent to a range of 4.00 percent to 4.25 percent—a cut of 0.25 percentage point, or 25 basis points. The members of the committee voted 11 to 1 for the 25 basis point cut with Miran dissenting because he preferred a 50 basis point cut.

The following figure shows, for the period since January 2010, the upper bound (the blue line) and lower bound (the green line) for the FOMC’s target range for the federal funds rate and the actual values of the federal funds rate (the red line) during that time. Note that the Fed has been successful in keeping the value of the federal funds rate in its target range. (We discuss the monetary policy tools the FOMC uses to maintain the federal funds rate in its target range in Macroeconomics, Chapter 15, Section 15.2 (Economics, Chapter 25, Section 25.2).)

After the meeting, the committee also released a “Summary of Economic Projections” (SEP)—as it typically does after its March, June, September, and December meetings. The SEP presents median values of the 19 committee members’ forecasts of key economic variables. The values are summarized in the following table, reproduced from the release. (Note that only 5 of the district bank presidents vote at FOMC meetings, although all 12 presidents participate in the discussions and prepare forecasts for the SEP.)

There are several aspects of these forecasts worth noting:

  1. Committee members slightly increased their forecasts of real GDP growth for each year from 2025 through 2027. Committee members also slightly decreased their forecasts of the unemployment rate in 2026 and 2027. They left their forecast of unemployment in the fourth quarter of 2025 unchanged at 4.5 percent. (The unemployment rate in August was 4.3 percent.)
  2. Committee members left their forecasts for personal consumption expenditures (PCE) price inflation unchanged for 2025 and 2026, while raising their forecast for 2026 from 2.4 percent to 2.6 percent. Similarly, their forecasts of core PCE inflation were unchanged for 2025 and 2027 but increased from 2.4 percent to 2.6 percent for 2026. The committee does not expect that PCE inflation will decline to the Fed’s 2 percent annual target until 2028.
  3. The committee’s forecast of the federal funds rate at the end of 2025 was lowered from 3.9 percent in June to 3.6 percent today. They also lowered their forecast for federal funds rate at the end of 2026 from 3.6 percent to 3.4 pecent and at the end of 2027 from 3.4 percent to 3.1 percent.

Prior to the meeting there was much discussion in the business press and among investment analysts about the dot plot, shown below. Each dot in the plot represents the projection of an individual committee member. (The committee doesn’t disclose which member is associated with which dot.) Note that there are 19 dots, representing the 7 members of the Fed’s Board of Governors and all 12 presidents of the Fed’s district banks. 

The plots on the far left of the figure represent the projections of each of the 19 members of the value of the federal funds rate at the end of 2025. Ten of the 19 members expect that the committee will cut its target range for the federal funds rate by at least 50 basis points in its two remaining meetings this year. That narrow majority makes it likely that an unexpected surge in inflation during the next few months might result in the target range being cut by only 25 basis points or not cut at all. Members of the business press and financial analysts are expecting tht the committee will implement a 25 basis point cut in each of its last two meetings this year.

During his press conference following the meeting, Powell indicated that the recent increase in inflation was largely due to the effects of the increase in tariff rates that the Trump administration began implementing in April. (We discuss the recent data on inflation in this post.) Powell indicated that committee members expect that the tariff increases will cause a one-time increase in the price level, rather than causing a long-term increase in the inflation rate. Powell also noted recent slow growth in real GDP and employment. (We discuss the recent employment data in this blog post.) As a result, he said that the shift in the “balance of risks” caused the committee to believe that cutting the target for the federal funds rate was warranted to avoid the possibility of a significant rise in the unemployment rate.

The next FOMC meeting is on October 28–29 by which time the status of Lisa Cook on the committee may have been clarified. It also seems likely that President Trump will have named the person he intends to nominate to succeed Powell as Fed chair when Powell’s term ends on May 15, 2026. (Powel’s term on the Board doesn’t end until January 31, 2028, although Fed chairs typically resign from the Board if they aren’t reappointed as chair). And, of course, additional data on inflation and unemployment will also have been released.

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CPI Inflation Worsens, as Expected

Image generated by ChatGPT.

Today (September 11), the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) released its report on the consumer price index (CPI) for August. The following figure compares headline CPI inflation (the blue line) and core CPI inflation (the red line).

  • The headline inflation rate, which is measured by the percentage change in the CPI from the same month in the previous year, was 2.9 percent in August, up from 2.7 in July. 
  • The core inflation rate, which excludes the prices of food and energy, was 3.1 percent in August, up slightly from 3.0 percent in July. 

Headline inflation and core inflation were both the same as economists surveyed had expected.

In the following figure, we look at the 1-month inflation rate for headline and core inflation—that is the annual inflation rate calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. Calculated as the 1-month inflation rate, headline inflation (the blue line) jumped from 2.4 percent in July to 4.7 percent in August. Core inflation (the red line) increased from 3.9 percent in July to 4.2 percent in August.

The 1-month and 12-month inflation rates are both indicating that inflation accelerated in August. Core inflation—which is often a good indicator of future inflation—in particular has been running well above the Fed’s 2 percent inflation target during the last two months.

Of course, it’s important not to overinterpret the data from a single month. The figure shows that the 1-month inflation rate is particularly volatile. Also note that the Fed uses the personal consumption expenditures (PCE) price index, rather than the CPI, to evaluate whether it is hitting its 2 percent annual inflation target.

Core inflation had been running significantly higher than headline inflation in the past few months because gasoline prices had generally been falling since February. Gasoline prices turned around in August, however, increasing at a 25.5 percent annual rate. As shown in the following figure, 1-month inflation in gasoline prices moves erratically—which is the main reason that gasoline prices aren’t included in core inflation.

Does the increase in inflation represent the effects of the increases in tariffs that the Trump administration announced on April 2? (Note that many of the tariff increases announced on April 2 have since been reduced) The following figure shows 12-month inflation in durable goods—such as furniture, appliances, and cars—which are likely to be affected directly by tariffs, and services, which are less likely to be affected by tariffs.. To make recent changes clearer, we look only at the months since January 2022. In August, inflation in durable goods increased to 1.9 percent from 1.2 percent in July. Inflation in services in August was 3.8 percent, unchanged from July.

The following figure shows 1-month inflation in the prices of these products, which may make the effects of tariffs clearer. In August, durable goods inflation was 5.1 percent up from 4.5 percent in July. Service inflation was 3.9 percent in August, down slightly from 4.0 percent in July. Inflation in goods and services both running well above 2 percent is not good news for inflation falling back to the Fed’s 2 percent target in the near future.

To better estimate the underlying trend in inflation, some economists look at median inflation and trimmed mean inflation.

  • Median inflation is calculated by economists at the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland and Ohio State University. If we listed the inflation rate in each individual good or service in the CPI, median inflation is the inflation rate of the good or service that is in the middle of the list—that is, the inflation rate in the price of the good or service that has an equal number of higher and lower inflation rates. 
  • Trimmed-mean inflation drops the 8 percent of goods and services with the highest inflation rates and the 8 percent of goods and services with the lowest inflation rates. 

The following figure shows that 12-month trimmed-mean inflation (the blue line) was 3.3 percent in August, up slightly from 3.2 July. Twelve-month median inflation (the red line) 3.6 percent in August, unchanged from July.


The following figure shows 1-month trimmed-mean and median inflation. One-month trimmed-mean inflation rose from 2.9 percent in July to 3.2 percent in August. One-month median inflation remained unchanged at 3.4 percent in August. These data are consistent with the view that inflation is running above the Fed’s 2 percent target.


The CPI inflation data combined with the recent jobs data (which we discuss here and here), indicate that the U.S. economy may be entering a period of stagflation—a combination of rising inflation with falling, or stagnating, output. Stagflation poses a policy dilemma for the Fed’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) because cutting its target for the federal funds rate to increase economic growth and employment may worsen inflation. At this point, it seems likely that the FOMC will “look through” this month’s rising inflation because it may be largely due to one-time price increases caused by tariffs. Committee members have signaled that they are likely to cut their target for the federal funds rate by 0.25 percent (25 basis points) at the conclusion of their meeting on September 16–17 and again at the conclusion of the following meeting on October 28–29.

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Where Did 911,000 Jobs Go?

Image generated by ChatGPT

Today (September 9), the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) issued revised estimates of the increase in employment, as measured by the establishment survey, over the period from April 2024 through March 2025. The BLS had initially estimated that during that period net employment had increased by a total of 1,758,000 or an average of 147,000 jobs per month. The revision lowered this estimate by more than half to a total of 839,000 jobs or an average of only 70,000 net new jobs created per month. The difference between those two monthly averages means that the U.S. economy had generated a total of 919,000 fewer jobs during that period.  The revision was larger than the downward revision of 800,000 jobs forecast by economists at Wells Fargo, Comerica Bank, and Pantheon Macroeconomics.

Why does the BLS have to revise its employment estimates? As we discuss in Macroeconomics, Chapter 9, Section 9.1 (Economics, Chapter 19, Section 19.1) the initial estimates that the BLS issues each month in its “Employment Situation” reports are based on a sample of 121,000 businesses and government agencies representing 631,000 worksites or “establishments.” The monthly data also rely on estimates of the number of employees at establishments that opened or closed during the month and on employment changes at establishments that failed to respond to the survey. In August or September of each year, the BLS issues revised employment estimates based on data from the Quarterly Census of Employment and Wages (QCEW), which relies on state unemployment insurance tax records. The unemployment tax records are much more comprehensive than the original sample of establishments because nearly all employers are included. 

In today’s report, the BLS cited two likely sources of error in their preliminary estimates:

“First, businesses reported less employment to the QCEW than they reported to the CES survey (response error). Second, businesses who were selected for the CES survey but did not respond reported less employment to the QCEW than those businesses who did respond to the CES survey (nonresponse error).”

The preliminary benchmark estimates the BLS released today will be revised again and the final estimates for these months will be released in February 2026. The difference between the preliminary and final benchmark estimates can be substantial. For example, last year, the BLS’s initially preliminary benchmark estimate indicated that the net employment increase from April 2023 to March 2024 had been overestimated by 818,000 jobs. In February 2025, the final benchmark estimate reduced this number to 598,000 jobs.

Although this year’s revision is particularly large in absolute terms—the largest since at least 2001—it still represents only about 0.56 percent of the more than 159.5 million people employed in the U.S. economy. Still the size of this revision is likely to increase political criticism of the BLS.

How will this revision affect the decision by the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) at its next meeting on September 16-17 to cut or maintain its target for the federal funds rate? The members of the committee were probably not surprised by the downward revision in the employment estimates, although they may have anticipated that the revision would be smaller. In six of the past seven years, the BLS has revised its estimates of payroll employment downward in its annual preliminary benchmark revision.

As we noted in this recent post, even before the BLS revised its employment estimates downward, recent monthly net employment increases were well below the increases during the first half of the year. There was already a high likelihood that the FOMC intended to cut its target for the federal funds rate at its meeting on September 16–17. The substantial downward revision in the employment data makes a cut at the September meeting nearly a certainty and increases the likelihood that the FOMC will implement a second cut in its target for the federal funds rate at the committee’s meeting on October 28–29.

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Weak Jobs Report Provides Further Evidence of Labor Market Softening

Image generated by ChatGPT

This morning (September 5), the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) released its “Employment Situation” report (often called the “jobs report”) for August. The data in the report show that the labor market was weaker than expected in August.

The jobs report has two estimates of the change in employment during the month: one estimate from the establishment survey, often referred to as the payroll survey, and one from the household survey. As we discuss in Macroeconomics, Chapter 9, Section 9.1 (Economics, Chapter 19, Section 19.1), many economists and Federal Reserve policymakers believe that employment data from the establishment survey provide a more accurate indicator of the state of the labor market than do the household survey’s employment data and unemployment data. (The groups included in the employment estimates from the two surveys are somewhat different, as we discuss in this post.)

According to the establishment survey, there was a net increase of only 22,000 nonfarm jobs during August. This increase was well below the increase of 110,000 that economists surveyed by FactSet had forecast.  Economists surveyed by the Wall Street Journal had forecast a smaller increase of 75,000 jobs. In addition, the BLS revised downward its previous estimates of employment in June and July by a combined 21,000 jobs. The estimate for June was revised from a net gain of 14,000 to a net loss of 13,000. This was the first month with a net job loss since December 2020. (The BLS notes that: “Monthly revisions result from additional reports received from businesses and government agencies since the last published estimates and from the recalculation of seasonal factors.”)

The following figure from the jobs report shows the net change in nonfarm payroll employment for each month in the last two years. The figure makes clear the striking deceleration in job growth since April. The Trump administration announced sharp increases in U.S. tariffs on April 2. Media reports indicate that some firms have slowed hiring due to the effects of the tariffs or in anticipation of those effects.

The unemployment rate increased from 4.2 percent in July to 4.3 percent in August, the highest rate since October 2021. The unemployment rate is above the 4.2 percent rate economists surveyed by FactSet had forecast. As the following figure shows, the unemployment rate had been remarkably stable over the past year, staying between 4.0 percent and 4.2 percent in each month May 2024 to July 2025 before breaking out of that range in August. In June, the members of the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) forecast that the unemployment rate during the fourth quarter of 2025 would average 4.5 percent. The unemployment rate would still have to rise significantly for that forecast to be accurate.

Each month, the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta estimates how many net new jobs are required to keep the unemployment rate stable. Given a slowing in the growth of the working-age population due to the aging of the U.S. population and a sharp decline in immigration, the Atlanta Fed currently estimates that the economy would have to create 97,591 net new jobs each month to keep the unemployment rate stable at 4.3 percent. If this estimate is accurate, continuing monthly net job increases of 22,000 would result in a a rising unemployment rate.

As the following figure shows, the monthly net change in jobs from the household survey moves much more erratically than does the net change in jobs from the establishment survey. As measured by the household survey, there was a net increase of 288,000 jobs in August, following a net decrease of 260,000 jobs in July. As an indication of the volatility in the employment changes in the household survey note the very large swings in net new jobs in January and February. In any particular month, the story told by the two surveys can be inconsistent. as was the case this month with employment increasing much more in the household survey than in the employment survey. (In this blog post, we discuss the differences between the employment estimates in the two surveys.)

The household survey has another important labor market indicator: the employment-population ratio for prime age workers—those aged 25 to 54. In August the ratio rose to 80.7 percent from 8.4 percent in July. The prime-age employment-population ratio is somewhat below the high of 80.9 percent in mid-2024, but is still above what the ratio was in any month during the period from January 2008 to February 2020. The increase in the prime-age employment-population ratio is a bright spot in this month’s jobs report.

It is still unclear how many federal workers have been laid off since the Trump Administration took office. The establishment survey shows a decline in federal government employment of 15,000 in August and a total decline of 97,000 since the beginning of February 2025. However, the BLS notes that: “Employees on paid leave or receiving ongoing severance pay are counted as employed in the establishment survey.” It’s possible that as more federal employees end their period of receiving severance pay, future jobs reports may report a larger decline in federal employment. To this point, the decline in federal employment has had a small effect on the overall labor market.

The establishment survey also includes data on average hourly earnings (AHE). As we noted in this post, many economists and policymakers believe the employment cost index (ECI) is a better measure of wage pressures in the economy than is the AHE. The AHE does have the important advantage of being available monthly, whereas the ECI is only available quarterly. The following figure shows the percentage change in the AHE from the same month in the previous year. The AHE increased 3.7 percent in August, down from an increase of 3.9 percent in July.

The following figure shows wage inflation calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. (The figure above shows what is sometimes called 12-month wage inflation, whereas this figure shows 1-month wage inflation.) One-month wage inflation is much more volatile than 12-month wage inflation—note the very large swings in 1-month wage inflation in April and May 2020 during the business closures caused by the Covid pandemic. In August, the 1-month rate of wage inflation was 3.3 percent, down from 4.0 percent in July. This slowdown in wage growth may be another indication of a weakening labor market. But one month’s data from such a volatile series may not accurately reflect longer-run trends in wage inflation.

What effect might today’s jobs report have on the decisions of the Federal Reserve’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) with respect to setting its target for the federal funds rate? One indication of expectations of future changes in the FOMC’s target for the federal funds rate comes from investors who buy and sell federal funds futures contracts. (We discuss the futures market for federal funds in this blog post.) As we’ve noted in earlier blog posts, since the weak July jobs report, investors have assigned a very high probability to the committee cutting its target by 0.25 percentage point (25 basis points) from its current range of 4.25 percent to 4.50 percent at its September 16–17 meeting. This morning, as the following figure shows, investors raised the probability they assign to a 50 basis point reduction at the September meeting from 0 percent to 14.2 percent. Investors are also now assigning a 78.4 percent probability to the committee cutting its target range by at least an additional 25 basis points at its October 28–29 meeting.

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Is it 1987 for AI?

Image generated by ChatGPT 5 of a 1981 IBM personal computer.

The modern era of information technology began in the 1980s with the spread of personal computers. A key development was the introduction of the IBM personal computer in 1981. The Apple II, designed by Steve Jobs and Steve Wozniak and introduced in 1977, was the first widely used personal computer, but the IBM personal computer had several advantages over the Apple II. For decades, IBM had been the dominant firm in information technology worldwide. The IBM System/360, introduced in 1964, was by far the most successful mainframe computer in the world. Many large U.S. firms depended on IBM to meet their needs for processing payroll, general accounting services, managing inventories, and billing.

Because these firms were often reliant on IBM for installing, maintaining, and servicing their computers, they were reluctant to shift to performing key tasks with personal computers like the Apple II. This reluctance was reinforced by the fact that few managers were familiar with Apple or other early personal computer firms like Commodore or Tandy, which sold the TRS-80 through Radio Shack stores. In addition, many firms lacked the technical staffs to install, maintain, and repair personal computers. Initially, it was easier for firms to rely on IBM to perform these tasks, just as they had long been performing the same tasks for firms’ mainframe computers.

By 1983, the IBM PC had overtaken the Apple II as the best-selling personal computer in the United States. In addition, IBM had decided to rely on other firms to supply its computer chips (Intel) and operating system (Microsoft) rather than develop its own proprietary computer chips and operating system. This so-called open architecture made it possible for other firms, such as Dell and Gateway, to produce personal computers that were similar to IBM’s. The result was to give an incentive for firms to produce software that would run on both the IBM PC and the “clones” produced by other firms, rather than produce software for Apple personal computers. Key software such as the spreadsheet program Lotus 1-2-3 and word processing programs, such as WordPerfect, cemented the dominance of the IBM PC and the IBM clones over Apple, which was largely shut out of the market for business computers.

As personal computers began to be widely used in business, there was a general expectation among economists and policymakers that business productivity would increase. Productivity, measured as output per hour of work, had grown at a fairly rapid average annual rate of 2.8 percent between 1948 and 1972. As we discuss in Macroeconomics, Chapter 10 (Economics, Chapter 20 and Essentials of Economics, Chapter 14) rising productivity is the key to an economy achieving a rising standard of living. Unless output per hour worked increases over time, consumption per person will stagnate. An annual growth rate of 2.8 percent will lead to noticeable increases in the standard of living.

Economists and policymakers were concerned when productivity growth slowed beginning in 1973. From 1973 to 198o, productivity grew at an annual rate of only 1.3 percent—less than half the growth rate from 1948 to 1972. Despite the widespread adoption of personal computers by businesses, during the 1980s, the growth rate of productivity increased only to 1.5 percent. In 1987, Nobel laureate Robert Solow of MIT famously remarked: “You can see the computer age everywhere but in the productivity statistics.” Economists labeled Solow’s observation the “productivity paradox.” With hindsight, it’s now clear that it takes time for businesses to adapt to a new technology, such as personal computers. In addition, the development of the internet, increases in the computing power of personal computers, and the introduction of innovative software were necessary before a significant increase in productivity growth rates occurred in the mid-1990s.

Result when ChatGPT 5 is asked to create an image illustrating ChatGPT

The release of ChatGPT in November 2022 is likely to be seen in the future as at least as important an event in the evolution of information technology as the introduction of the IBM PC in August 1981. Just as with personal computers, many people have been predicting that generative AI programs will have a substantial effect on the labor market and on productivity.

In this recent blog post, we discussed the conflicting evidence as to whether generative AI has been eliminating jobs in some occupations, such as software coding. Has AI had an effect on productivity growth? The following figure shows the rate of productivity growth in each quarter since the fourth quarter of 2022. The figure shows an acceleration in productivity growth beginning in the fourth quarter of 2023. From the fourth quarter of 2023 through the fourth quarter of 2024, productivity grew at an annual rate of 3.1 percent—higher than during the period from 1948 to 1972. Some commentators attributed this surge in productivity to the effects of AI.

However, the increase in productivity growth wasn’t sustained, with the growth rate in the first half of 2025 being only 1.3 percent. That slowdown makes it more likely that the surge in productivity growth was attributable to the recovery from the 2020 Covid recession or was simply an example of the wide fluctuations that can occur in productivity growth. The following figure, showing the entire period since 1948, illustrates how volatile quarterly rates of productivity growth are.

How large an effect will AI ultimately have on the labor market? If many current jobs are replaced by AI is it likely that the unemployment rate will soar? That’s a prediction that has often been made in the media. For instance, Dario Amodei, the CEO of generative AI firm Anthropic, predicted during an interview on CNN that AI will wipe out half of all entry level jobs in the U.S. and cause the unemployment rate to rise to between 10% and 20%.  

Although Amodei is likely correct that AI will wipe out many existing jobs, it’s unlikely that the result will be a large increase in the unemployment rate. As we discuss in Macroeconomics, Chapter 9 (Economics, Chapter 19 and Essentials of Economics, Chapter 13) the U.S. economy creates and destroys millions of jobs every year. Consider, for instance, the following table from the most recent “Job Openings and Labor Turnover” (JOLTS) report from the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS). In June 2025, 5.2 million people were hired and 5.1 million left (were “separated” from) their jobs as a result of quitting, being laid off, or being fired.

Most economists believe that one of the strengths of the U.S. economy is the flexibility of the U.S. labor market. With a few exceptions, “employment at will” holds in every state, which means that a business can lay off or fire a worker without having to provide a cause. Unionization rates are also lower in the United States than in many other countries. U.S. workers have less job security than in many other countries, but—crucially—U.S. firms are more willing to hire workers because they can more easily lay them off or fire them if they need to. (We discuss the greater flexibility of U.S. labor markets in Macroeconomics, Chapter 11 (Economics, Chapter 21).)

The flexibility of the U.S. labor market means that it has shrugged off many waves of technological change. AI will have a substantial effect on the economy and on the mix of jobs available. But will the effect be greater than that of electrification in the late nineteenth century or the effect of the automobile in the early twentieth century or the effect of the internet and personal computing in the 1980s and 1990s? The introduction of automobiles wiped out jobs in the horse-drawn vehicle industry, just as the internet has wiped out jobs in brick-and-mortar retailing. People unemployed by technology find other jobs; sometimes the jobs are better than the ones they had and sometimes the jobs are worse. But economic historians have shown that technological change has never caused a spike in the U.S. unemployment rate. It seems likely—but not certain!—that the same will be true of the effects of the AI revolution. 

Which jobs will AI destroy and which new jobs will it create? Except in a rough sense, the truth is that it is very difficult to tell. Attempts to forecast technological change have a dismal history. To take one of many examples, in 1998, Paul Krugman, later to win the Nobel Prize, cast doubt on the importance of the internet: “By 2005 or so, it will become clear that the Internet’s impact on the economy has been no greater than the fax machine’s.” Krugman, Amodei and other prognosticators of the effects of technological change simply lack the knowledge to make an informed prediction because the required knowledge is spread across millions of people. 

That knowledge only becomes available over time. The actions of consumers and firms interacting in markets mobilize information that is initially known only partially to any one person. In 1945, Friedrich Hayek made this argument in “The Use of Knowledge in Society,” which is one of the most influential economics articles ever written. One of Hayek’s examples is an unexpected decrease in the supply of tin. How will this development affect the economy? We find out only by observing how people adapt to a rising price of tin: “The marvel is that … without an order being issued, without more than perhaps a handful of people knowing the cause, tens of thousands of people whose identity could not be ascertained by months of investigation are made [by the increase in the price of tin] to use the material or its products more sparingly.” People adjust to changing conditions in ways that we lack sufficient information to reliably forecast. (We discuss Hayek’s view of how the market system mobilizes the knowledge of workers, consumers, and firms in Microeconomics, Chapter 2.)

It’s up to millions of engineers, workers, and managers across the economy, often through trial and error, to discover how AI can best reduce the cost of producing goods and services or improve their quality. Competition among firms drives them to make the best use of AI. In the end, AI may result in more people or fewer people being employed in any particular occupation.  At this point, there is no way to know.

 

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Has AI Damaged the Tech Job Market for Recent College Grads?

Image generated by ChatGPT 5

“Artificial intelligence is profoundly limiting some young Americans’ employment prospects, new research shows.” That’s the opening sentence of a recent opinion column in the Wall Street Journal. The columnist was reacting to a new academic paper by economists Erik Brynjolfsson, Bharat Chandar, and Ruyu Chen of Stanford University. (See also this Substack post by Chandar that summarizes the results of their paper.) The authors find that:

“[S]ince the widespread adoption of generative AI, early-career workers (ages 22-25) in the most AI-exposed occupations have experienced a 13 percent relative decline in employment … In contrast, employment for workers in less exposed fields and more experienced workers in the same occupations has remained stable or continued to grow. Furthermore, employment declines are concentrated in occupations where AI is more likely to automate, rather than augment, human labor.”

The authors conclude that “our results are consistent with the hypothesis that generative AI has begun to significantly affect entry-level employment.”

About a month ago, we wrote a blog post looking at whether unemployment among young college graduates has been abnormally high in recent months.  The following figure from that post shows that over time, the unemployment rates for the youngest college graduates (the red line) is nearly always above the unemployment rate for the population as a whole (the green line), while the unemployment rate for college graduates 25 to 34 years old (the blue line) is nearly always below the unemployment rate for the population as a whole. In July of this year, the unemployment rate for the population as a whole was 4.2 percent, while the unemployment for college graduates 20 to 24 years old was 8.5 percent, and the unemployment rate for college graduates 25 to 34 years old was 3.8 percent.

As the following figure (also reproduced from that blog post) shows, the increase in unemployment among young college graduates has been concentrated among males. Does higher male unemployment indicate that AI is eliminating jobs, such as software coding, that are disproportionately male? Data journalist John Burn-Murdoch argues against this conclusion, noting that data shows that “early-career coding employment is now tracking ahead of the [U.S.] economy.”

Another recent paper written by Sarah Eckhardt and Nathan Goldschlag of the Economic Innovation Group is also skeptical of the view that firms adopting generative AI programs is reducing employment in certain types of jobs. They use a measure developed by Edward Felton on Princeton University, and Manav Raj and Robert Seamans of New York University of how exposed particular jobs are to AI (AI Occupational Exposure (AIOE)). The following table from Eckhardt and Goldschlag’s paper shows the five most AI exposed jobs and the five least AI exposed jobs.

They divide all occupations into quintiles based on the exposure of the occupations to AI. Their key results are given in the following table, which shows that the occupations that are most exposed to the effects of AI—quintiles 4 and 5—have lower unemployment rates and higher wages than do the occupations that are least exposed to AI. 

The Brynjolfsson, Chandar, and Chen paper mentioned at the beginning of this post uses a larger data set of workers by occupation from ADP, a private firm that processes payroll data for about 25 percent of U.S. workers. Figure 1 from their paper, reproduced here, shows that employment of workers in two occupations—software developers and customer service—representative of those occupations most exposted to AI declined sharply after generative AI programs became widely available in late 2022.

They don’t find this pattern for all occupations, as shown in the following figure from their paper.

Finally, they show results by occupational quintiles, with workers ages aged 22 to 25 being hard hit in the two occupational quintiles (4 and 5) most exposted to AI. The data show total employment growth from October 2022 to July 2025 by age group and exposure to AI.

Economics blogger Noah Smith has raised an interesting issue about Brynjolfsson, Chandar, and Chen’s results. Why would we expect that the negative effect of AI on employment to be so highly concentrated among younger workers? Why would employment in the most AI exposed occupations be growing rapidly among workers aged 35 and above? Smith wonders “why companies would be rushing to hire new 40-year-old workers in those AI-exposed occupations.” He continues:

“Think about it. Suppose you’re a manager at a software company, and you realize that the coming of AI coding tools means that you don’t need as many software engineers. Yes, you would probably decide to hire fewer 22-year-old engineers. But would you run out and hire a ton of new 40-year-old engineers?“

Both the papers discussed here are worth reading for their insights on how the labor market is evolving in the generative AI era. But taken together, they indicate that it is probably too early to arrive at firm conclusions about the effects of generative AI on the job market for young college graduates or other groups.

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PCE Inflation Is Steady, but Still Above the Fed’s Target

On August 29, the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) released data for July on the personal consumption expenditures (PCE) price index as part of its “Personal Income and Outlays” report. The Fed relies on annual changes in the PCE price index to evaluate whether it’s meeting its 2 percent annual inflation target.

The following figure shows headline PCE inflation (the blue line) and core PCE inflation (the red line)—which excludes energy and food prices—for the period since January 2017, with inflation measured as the percentage change in the PCE from the same month in the previous year. In July, headline PCE inflation was 2.6 percent, unchanged from June. Core PCE inflation in July was 2.9 percent, up slightly from 2.8 percent in June. Headline PCE inflation and core PCE inflation were both equal to what economists surveyed had forecast.

The following figure shows headline PCE inflation and core PCE inflation calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. (The figure above shows what is sometimes called 12-month inflation, while this figure shows 1-month inflation.) Measured this way, headline PCE inflation fell from 3.5 percent in June to 2.4 percent in July. Core PCE inflation increased slightly from 3.2 percent in June to 3.3 percent in July. So, both 1-month PCE inflation estimates are above the Fed’s 2 percent target, with 1-month core PCE inflation being well above target. The usual caution applies that 1-month inflation figures are volatile (as can be seen in the figure), so we shouldn’t attempt to draw wider conclusions from one month’s data. In addition, these data may reflect higher prices resulting from the tariff increases the Trump administration has implemented. Once the one-time price increases from tariffs have worked through the economy, inflation may decline. It’s not clear, however, how long that may take and it’s likely that not all the effects of the tariff increases on the price level are reflected in this month’s data.

As usual, we need to note that Fed Chair Jerome Powell has frequently mentioned that inflation in non-market services can skew PCE inflation. Non-market services are services whose prices the BEA imputes rather than measures directly. For instance, the BEA assumes that prices of financial services—such as brokerage fees—vary with the prices of financial assets. So that if stock prices fall, the prices of financial services included in the PCE price index also fall. Powell has argued that these imputed prices “don’t really tell us much about … tightness in the economy. They don’t really reflect that.” The following figure shows 12-month headline inflation (the blue line) and 12-month core inflation (the red line) for market-based PCE. (The BEA explains the market-based PCE measure here.)

Headline market-based PCE inflation was 2.3 percent in July, unchanged from June. Core market-based PCE inflation was 2.6 percent in July, also unchanged from June. So, both market-based measures show inflation as stable but above the Fed’s 2 percent target.

In the following figure, we look at 1-month inflation using these measures. One-month headline market-based inflation declined sharply to 1.1 percent in July from 4.1 percent in June. One-month core market-based inflation also declined sharply to 2.1 percent in July from 3.8 percent in June. As the figure shows, the 1-month inflation rates are more volatile than the 12-month rates, which is why the Fed relies on the 12-month rates when gauging how close it is coming to hitting its target inflation rate. Still, looking at 1-month inflation gives us a better look at current trends in inflation, which these data indicate is slowing significantly.

As we noted earlier, some of the increase in inflation is likely attributable to the effects of tariffs. The effect of tariffs are typically seen in goods prices, rather than in service prices because tariffs are levied primarily on imports of goods. As the following figure shows, one-month inflation in goods prices jumped in June to 4.8 percent, but then declined sharply to –1.6 in July. One-month inflation in services prices increased from 2.9 percent in June to 4.3 percent in July. Clearly, the 1-month inflation data—particularly for goods—are quite volatile.

Finally, these data had little effect on the expectations of investors trading federal funds rate futures. Investors assign an 86.4 percent probability to the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) cutting its target for the federal funds rate at its meeting on September 16–17 by 0.25 percentage point (25 basis points) from its current range of 4.25 percent to 4.5o percent. There has been some speculation in the business press that the FOMC might cut its target by 50 basis points at that meeting, but with inflation remaining above target, investors don’t foresee a larger cut in the target range happening.

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In Jackson Hole Speech, Fed Chair Powell Signals a Rate Cut and Introduces the Fed’s Revised Monetary Policy Framework

Photo from federalreserve.gov

Federal Reserve chairs often take the opportunity of the Kansas City Fed’s annual monetary policy symposium held in Jackson Hole, Wyoming to provide a summary of their views on monetary policy and on the state of the economy. In these speeches, Fed chairs are careful not to preempt decisions of the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) by stating that policy changes will occur that the committee hasn’t yet agreed to. In his speech at Jackson Hole today (August 22), Powell came about as close as Fed chairs ever do to announcing a policy change in a speech. In addition, Powell announced changes to the Fed’s monetary policy framework that had been in place since 2020.

Congress has given the Federal Reserve a dual mandate to achieve price stability and maximum employment. To reach its goal of price stability, the Fed has set an inflation target of 2 percent, with inflation being measured by the percentage change in the personal consumption expenditures (PCE) price index. In the statement that the FOMC releases after each meeting, it generally indicates the current “balance of risks” to meeting its two goals. In a press conference on July 30 following the last meeting of the FOMC, Powell stated that while the labor market appeared to be in balance at close to maximum employment, inflation was still running above the Fed’s 2 percent annual target.

In today’s speech, Powell stated that “the balance of risks appears to be shifting” and “that downside risks to employment are rising. And if those risks materialize, they can do so quickly in the form of sharply higher layoffs and rising unemployment.” These statements seem to signal that he expects that at its next meeting on September 16–17 the FOMC will cut its target for the federal funds rate from its current range of 4.25 percent to 4.50 percent.

One indication of expectations of future changes in the FOMC’s target for the federal funds rate comes from investors who buy and sell federal funds futures contracts. (We discuss the futures market for federal funds in this blog post.) Yesterday, investors assigned a 75.0 percent probability to the committee cutting its target by 0.25 percentage point (25 basis points) to a range of 4.00 percent to 4.25 percent at its September meeting. After Powell’s speech at 10 a.m. eastern time, the probability of a 25 basis point cut increased to 85.3 percent. As the following figure from the Wall Street Journa shows, the stock market also jumped, with the S&P 500 stock index having increased about 1.5 percent at 2:00 p.m. Investors were presumably expecting that by cutting its federal funds rate target, the FOMC would help to offset some of the current weakness in the labor market. (We discussed the weakness in the latest jobs report in this blog post.)

Powell also announced that the Fed had revised its monetary policy framework, which had been in place since 2020. The previous framework was called flexible average-inflation targeting (FAIT). The policy was intended to automatically make monetary policy expansionary during recessions and contractionary during periods of unexpectedly high inflation. If households and firms accept that the Fed is following this policy, then during a recession when the inflation rate falls below the target, they would expect that the Fed would take action to increase the inflation rate. If a higher inflation rate results in a lower real interest rate, there will be an expansionary effect on the economy. Similarly, if the inflation rate were above the target, households and firms would expect future inflation rates to be lower, raising the real interest rate, which would have a contractionary effect on the economy.

An important point to note is that with a FAIT policy, after a period in which inflation is below 2%, the Fed would aim to keep inflation above 2% for a time to “make up” for the period of low inflation. But the converse would not be true—if inflation runs above 2%, the Fed would attempt to bring the inflation back to 2%, but would not push inflation below 2% for a time to make up for the period of low inflation. The result is that, on average, the economy would run “hotter,” lowering the average unemployment rate over time. Many policymakers at the Fed believed that, in the years before 2019, the unemployment could have been lower without causing the inflation rate to be persistently above the Fed’s target.

With hindsight, some economists and policymakers argue that FAIT was implemented at just the wrong time. The policy was designed to address the problem of inflation running below the 2% target for most of the period between 2012 and 2019, resulting in unemployment being higher  than was consistent with the Fed’s mandate for maximum employment. But, in fact, as the following figure shows, in 2020 the U.S. economy was about to enter a period with the highest inflation rates since the early 1980s. 

In his speech today, Powell noted that:

“The economic conditions that brought the policy rate to the ELB [effective lower bound to the federal funds rate, 0 percent to 0.25 percent] and drove the 2020 framework changes were thought to be rooted in slow-moving global factors that would persist for an extended period—and might well have done so, if not for the pandemic. … In the event, rather than low inflation and the ELB, the post-pandemic reopening brought the highest inflation in 40 years to economies around the world.”

Powell outlined the key changes in the policy framework:

“First, we removed language indicating that the ELB was a defining feature of the economic landscape. Instead, we noted that our ‘monetary policy strategy is designed to promote maximum employment and stable prices across a broad range of economic conditions.'”

“Second, we returned to a framework of flexible inflation targeting and eliminated the ‘makeup’ strategy. As it turned out, the idea of an intentional, moderate inflation overshoot [after a period when inflation had been below the 2 percent annual target] had proved irrelevant. … Our revised statement emphasizes our commitment to act forcefully to ensure that longer-term inflation expectations remain well anchored, to the benefit of both sides of our dual mandate. It also notes that ‘price stability is essential for a sound and stable economy and supports the well-being of all Americans.’ “

“Third, our 2020 statement said that we would mitigate ‘shortfalls,’ rather than ‘deviations,’ from maximum employment. … [T]he use of ‘shortfalls’ was not intended as a commitment to permanently forswear preemption or to ignore labor market tightness. Accordingly, we removed ‘shortfalls’ from our statement. Instead, the revised document now states more precisely that ‘the Committee recognizes that employment may at times run above real-time assessments of maximum employment without necessarily creating risks to price stability.’ … [But] preemptive action would likely be warranted if tightness in the labor market or other factors pose risks to price stability.”

“Fourth, consistent with the removal of ‘shortfalls,’ we made changes to clarify our approach in periods when our employment and inflation objectives are not complementary. In those circumstances, we will follow a balanced approach in promoting them.”

“Finally, the revised consensus statement retained our commitment to conduct a public review roughly every five years.”

To summarize, the two key changes in the framework are: 1) The FOMC will no longer attempt to push inflation beyond its 2 percent goal if inflation has been below that goal for a period, and 2) The FOMC may still attempt to preempt an increase in inflation if labor market conditions or other data make it appear likely that inflation will accelerate, but it won’t necessarily do so just because the unemployment rate is currently lower than what had been considered consistent with maximum employment.