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No Sign of Cooling Inflation in September CPI Report

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Today’s report from the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) on the consumer price index (CPI) for August was eagerly awaited by economists and policy analysts. As we discuss in Macroeconomics, Chapter 15 (Economics, Chapter 25), monetary policy affects the economy with, in the words of Nobel Laureate Milton Friedman, “long and variable lags.” As a result, most economists agree that the Federal Reserve should not attempt to “fine tune” the economy by responding to each government release of macroeconomic data.

There are some instances, however, including the present, when the Fed’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) appears to be uncertain as to whether a change in policy is needed. As a result, there was a widespread expectation that if today’s report indicated that inflation is slowing, the FOMC would likely leave its target for the federal funds rate unchanged at its meeting on Tuesday and Wednesday of next week. But if the report didn’t indicate that inflation is slowing, the committee would likely raise its target. The report gave few indications that inflation is slowing.

The following figure compares headline CPI inflation (the blue line) and core CPI inflation (the red line).

The headline inflation rate, which is measured by the percentage change in the CPI from the same month in the previous year, was 3.4 percent in August, the same as in July.
The core inflation rate, which excludes the prices of food and energy, was 2.4 percent in August, down from 2.5 in July.

Headline inflation was slightly higher, and core inflation was equal, to the forecasts of economists surveyed by FactSet. (Note that because of last year’s federal government shutdown, inflation data for October 2025 are not available.)

In the following figure, we look at the 1-month inflation rate for headline and core inflation—that is the annual inflation rate calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. Calculated as the 1-month inflation rate, headline (the blue line) was 4.6 percent In August, up from 0.9 percent in July. Core inflation (the red line) was 3.5 percent in August, up from 2.6 percent in July.

The following figure illustrates the role played by energy prices in contributing to the large swings in the monthly inflation rate since the conflict in Iran began at the end of February. The red line shows the 1-month inflation rate in all energy prices included in the CPI. Inflation in energy prices, which had declined at an annual rate of 16.4 percent in July, increased at an annual rate of 28.3 percent in August. The blue line shows the 1-month inflation rate in gasoline prices, which had declined at an annual rate of 29.4 percent in July, increased at an annual rate of 58.3 percent in August.

There had been a fear that the rise in energy prices that began in March would pass through to increases in food prices, which are a key concern for many consumers. The following figure shows 1-month inflation in the CPI category “food at home” (the blue bar)—primarily food purchased at grocery stores—and in the category “food away from home” (the red bar)—primarily food purchased at restaurants. Grocery prices, which had declined at annual rate of 0.9 percent in July, increased at an annual rate of 0.4 percent in August. Food prices away from home increased 3.1 percent in August, down from 3.9 percent in July. To this point, increases in energy prices seem to have had some effect on grocery prices and restaurant prices, although the extent of the effect is unclear.

Fed Chair Kevin Warsh has indicated that he favors measures of the inflation rate that exclude particularly small or particularly large changes in the prices of some goods or services—so-called outliers. Median CPI, which is compiled monthly by economists at the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland, is calculated by ranking the price changes of every good or service in the index from the largest price change to the smallest price change, and then choosing the price change in the middle. The idea is to eliminate the effect on measured inflation of any short-lived events that cause the prices of some goods and services to be particularly high or particularly low. Economists at the Cleveland Fed have conducted research that shows that, in their words, “the median CPI provides a better signal of the underlying inflation trend than either the all-items CPI or the CPI excluding food and energy. The median CPI is even better at forecasting [personal consumption expenditures] PCE inflation in the near and longer term than the core PCE price index.”

Trimmed-mean inflation, also compiled by economists at the Cleveland Fed, excludes the highest 8 percent of price changes and the lowest 8 percent. The following figure shows 1-month trimmed mean (the blue line) and median (the red line) CPI inflation. Trimmed-mean inflation was 2.7 percent in August, unchanged from July. Median inflation was 2.1 percent in August, down from 3.1 percent in July. So these measures of inflation are both lower than the conventional headline and core CPI inflation measures, although as the figure shows, both measures are volatile.

Note that the Fed uses the 12-month change in the personal consumption expenditures (PCE) price index, not the change in the CPI, when gauging whether it is hitting its 2 percent annual inflation target. Historically, PCE inflation has been about 0.4 percentage points to 0.5 percentage points lower than CPI inflation. The Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) won’t release its estimate of August PCE inflation until September 30, after the next FOMC meeting.

Today’s report showing that inflation remains persistently above the Fed’s 2 percent annual target, following last week’s jobs report showing an unexpectedly large increase in employment, has likely raised the chance that Federal Reserve policymakers will increase their target range for the federal funds rate from the current 3.50 percent to 3.75 percent by o.25 percentage points (or 25 basis points) at the next meeting of the FOMC on September 15–16. Trading in the federal funds futures market this afternoon indicates that investors assign a 86.5 percent probability to the FOMC raising its target range at that meeting, which is up from a 72.4 probability yesterday. Trading indicated that investors assign a 74.5 percent probability to the committee increasing its target range by at least 50 basis points by the end of the year, up from 64.6 percent yesterday and from 44.7 percent one week ago.

What’s Happened to Male Employment?

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On this Labor Day, we look at an important issue: In recent years, women have been faring better than men in the job market. The following figure shows that, for workers 20 years and older, men still hold more jobs than women do, but the gap has been closing. For example, as measured by the household survey conducted by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), between January 2022 and August 2026, there was a net increase of 5,829,000 jobs in the United States. More than two thirds of those jobs were filled by women.

In recent months, the business press has begun to focus on this issue. Here are some recent headlines: “A Changing Job Market Leans Against Men,” “In This Job Market, Women Have the Upper Hand,” and “Young Men Are Abandoning the Workforce.” In Macroeconomics, Chapter 9 (Economics, Chapter 19), we discuss the employment-population ratio, which measures the fraction of the working-age population of a particular segment of the population that is employed. The following figure shows that the employment-population ratio for prime-age men—those aged 25 to 54—has been slowly trending downward for decades (the blue line), while that ratio has generally been increasing for women (the orange line).

In March 1953, the employment-population ratio for prime-age males reached a peak of 96.0 percent. In August 2026, the ratio was 85.8 percent. If prime-age males were working in 2026 at the rate that they did in 1953, 10 million more men would be working today than actually are.

The following figure makes clearer the differing trends in men and women’s employment-population ratio in recent years. In this figure, the values for both ratios are set equal to 100 in January 2000. Since that time the employment-population ratio for prime-age women (the orange line) has increased by 1.1 percent, while the ratio for men (the blue line) has declined by 4.1 percent.

Why do a smaller fraction of prime-age men have jobs today than in the past? A large number of explanations have been offered, both in the business media and by academic economists. One key factor, as shown in the following figure, is that women (the orange line) are now more likely to earn a college degree than are men (the blue line).

The fraction of jobs requiring a four-year degree has been increasing over time, a trend that the BLS projects will continue. As the following figure shows, men with a bachelor’s degree or more have a higher employment-population ratio than do men with only a high school degree. (Note that the data in this figure are for all men 25 years and older, not just for prime-age men. The average age of men has been rising, which lowers the employment-population ratio as an increasing fraction of men become of retirement age. These data are not available on a seasonally-adjusted basis, which accounts for the choppiness in the figure.) As men have fallen behind in earning college degrees, more men have found themselves unqualified to be hired in some jobs.

An article in the Wall Street Journal used BLS data to divide jobs primarily held by women and those primarily held by men. As the following figure from the article shows, jobs help primarily by women have been increasing faster than those held by men.

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As we noted in a blog post earlier this year, health care jobs have come to dominate U.S. employment growth. The following figure shows monthly changes in health care and social assistance jobs (the blue bars) and monthly changes in total employment (the red bars) for each month since January 2025. During this time period, net employment in health care and social assitance increased by 1,027,300 jobs. All other job categories experienced a decrease of 268,300 jobs. Women account for 77.9 percent of health care and social assistance workers. In other words, the number of jobs in industries dominated by men have been declining.

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If you look again at the graph showing changes in the employment-population ratio for prime-age men (the second graph in this blog post), you’ll notice that there seems to be a ratchet effect in the data: The employment-population ratio declines during each recession (shown by the gray bars in the figure) and then struggles to return to its pre-recession level. It’s unsurprising that the male employment-population falls sharply during recessions, because, as we discuss in Macroeconomics, Chapter 13 (Economics, Chapter 23) spending on residential construction and consumer durables, such as automobiles and appliances, falls sharply during a recession.In 2025, men were 86.8 percent of workers in construction and 77.9 percent of workers in manufacturing. (In fact, as we note in that chapter, the late Edward Leamer of the University of California, Los Angeles, went so far as to argue that “housing is the business cycle.”)

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Just before the Great Recession and Global Financial Crisis of 2007–2009, the prime-age male employment-population ratio was 88.0 percent, a level it hasn’t attained since. (In a recent blog post, we discuss the role the bankruptcy of the Lehman Brothers investment bank played in the financial crisis.) The prolonged unemployment experienced by some male workers in construction and manufacturing may have led to their skills deteriorating, making it more difficult for them to find employment during the following economic recovery. Some of these workers may have dropped out of the labor force resulting in a decline in the employment-population ratio.

One explanation for the declining employment-population ratio for prime-age males that has received significant attention in the media is the increased appeal of video games. Or, as the headline of an article in the New York Times put it: “Why Some Men Don’t Work: Video Games Have Gotten Really Good.” The U.S. Census Bureau annually conducts the American Time Use Survey, which is published by the BLS. The following figure shows that young adult men have increased the time they spend playing games. In 2003, men aged 21 to 30 spent an average of 2.23 hours per week. In 2025, they spent an average of 7.75 hours per week, down from a peak of 8.56 hours per week in 2022.

Mark Aguiar, of Princeton University, and colleagues argue that the increase in time young men devote to playing video games and engaging in other “recreational computer activities” has significantly reduced the amount of hours that some young men work. There has, however, been an academic debate over this contention. First, it’s unclear which way the causality runs: Do young men work less because they find playing video games particularly attractive or has the ability of young men to find jobs declined, so they spend time playing video games that they would rather spend working? Second, older prime-age males, who have not increased their time playing video games by as much, have also experienced a falling employment-population ratio.

There have been a number of other changes in labor markets and in American society that may have contributed to the decline in employment of prime-age males. ChatGPT offers the following summary of the various factors:

“I would rank the explanations this way:

Most important: the disappearance of stable, comparatively well-paid routine and manual jobs available to men without college degrees, together with slow occupational and geographic adjustment.
Closely related: educational and skills differences, the concentration of new employment in female-heavy service sectors, and the difficulty men face moving into those jobs.
Important amplifiers: chronic health problems, mental illness, pain, opioids and other substance abuse, and the long-term effects of recessions and prolonged joblessness.
Important for particular groups: criminal records, incarceration, geographic isolation, and weak local labor markets.
Reinforcing social mechanisms: delayed marriage and parenthood, living with relatives, weaker social expectations concerning steady work, and reduced connection to employers and communities.
Real but often overstated: disability benefits, other public assistance, and video games.

The central academic message is therefore different from the most sensational press version. It is not principally that millions of otherwise successful men suddenly preferred video games or welfare to jobs. The decline began with a weakening of the kinds of labor-market opportunities historically available to noncollege men. Health, addiction, criminal records, family change, geographic immobility, and more attractive leisure then made the resulting withdrawal from employment more persistent.”

Unexpectedly Strong August Jobs Report

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This morning (September 4), the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) released its “Employment Situation” report (often called the “jobs report”) for August. The report showed an unexpectedly large increase in employment.

According to the establishment survey, there was a net increase of 162,000 nonfarm jobs during August. Economists surveyed by the Wall Street Journal had forecast an increase of only 55,000 jobs. Economists surveyed by FactSet had forecast a net increase of 65,000 jobs. The BLS revised upward its previous estimates of employment in June and July by a combined 55,000 jobs. The estimate of the net employment change in July was revised from a decrease of 23,000 to an increase of 21,000. (The BLS notes that: “Monthly revisions result from additional reports received from businesses and government agencies since the last published estimates and from the recalculation of seasonal factors.”)

The following figure from the jobs report shows the net change in nonfarm payroll employment for each month in the last two years. The figure shows that since peaking in March with a net increase of 214,000 jobs, job growth slowed markedly over the following four months until strongly rebounding in August. In 2026, monthly net employment growth has averaged 80,375. That is much higher than the 2025 average monthly employment growth of only 9,667, but well below the 2024 average monthly employment growth of 121,583.

The unemployment rate, which is calculated from data in the household survey, was 4.1 percent, unchanged from July. The estimated size of the labor force, the number of workers employed, and the number of workers unemployed all increased in August. The following figure shows that the unemployment rate has been remarkably stable over the past year and a half, staying between 4.0 percent and 4.4 percent in each month since June 2024. The Federal Open Market Committee’s most recent estimate of the natural rate of unemployment—the normal rate of unemployment over the long run—is 4.2 percent. So, currently the unemployment rate is slightly below that estimate of the natural rate. (We discuss the natural rate of unemployment in Macroeconomics, Chapter 9 and Economics, Chapter 19.)

As the following figure shows, the monthly net change in jobs from the household survey moves much more erratically than does the net change in jobs from the establishment survey. As measured by the household survey, there was a net increase of 569,000 jobs in August, far larger than the net increase in employment shown in the establishment survey. Since January, the household survey has shown a net increase in jobs in only two months, with a total net decrease of 326,000 jobs over the period. In contrast, the establishment survey has shown a net increase of 643,000 jobs over the same period. (Note that because of last year’s shutdown of the federal government, there are no data for October or November.)

The household survey has another important labor market indicator: the employment-population ratio for prime age workers—those workers aged 25 to 54. In August, the ratio was 80.4 percent, unchanged from July. The prime-age population ratio can show volatility from month to month but has remained above 80 percent every month since December 2022.

The rapid adoption of artificial intelligence (AI) by many firms has led to forecasts of substantial layoffs of workers in information systems. The following figure shows net employment changes in the BLS employment category of “computing infrastructure providers, data processing, web hosting, and related services.” Employment in this sector has been declining during most months since the beginning of 2023. In August, there was a net decrease of 7,700 jobs.

The establishment survey also includes data on average hourly earnings (AHE). As we noted in earlier posts, many economists and policymakers believe the employment cost index (ECI) is a better measure of wage pressures in the economy than is AHE. AHE does have the important advantage of being available monthly, whereas the ECI is only available quarterly. The following figure shows the percentage change in AHE from the same month in the previous year. AHE increased 3.1 percent in August, down from 3.2 percent in July. That was the smallest increase since May 2021. The rate of increase in AHE has been below 4.0 percent each month since August 2025, indicating that cost pressure from wage increases has not been a significant source of price inflation during the past year.

With inflation having been above the Federal Reserve’s 2 percent annual target every month since March 2021, there has been an expectation that the Fed’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) would increase its target for the federal funds rate at least once before the end of 2026. At the FOMC’s last meeting in late July, three members of the committee voted to increase the target, an unusual amount of dissent from a committee decision.

Do today’s surprisingly strong employment data increase the chance that the FOMC will raise its target range for the federal funds rate at its next meeting on September 15–16? Investors in the federal funds futures market believe that the answer is “yes.” Yesterday, trading in the federal funds futures market indicated that investors assigned a 49.4 percent probability to the committee increasing its target range by 0.25 percentage points (25 basis points) at that meeting. This afternoon, that probability had increased to 58.4 percent. The probability that the committee will have increased its target range by at least 25 basis points from its current range of 3.50 percent to 3.75 percent after its meeting on October 27–28 increased from 62.8 percent yesterday to 69.4 percent this afternoon.

The BLS will release its estimate of inflation as measured by the consumer price index next Friday. That report will provide further evidence on the current state of inflation and may have a significant effect on the decision the FOMC makes at its meeting the following week.

As Expected, CPI Inflation Falls Slightly in July

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Today (August 12), the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) released its report on the consumer price index (CPI) for July. Lower energy and grocery prices contributed to a slight decline in the inflation rate in July compared with June.

The following figure compares headline CPI inflation (the blue line) and core CPI inflation (the red line).

The headline inflation rate, which is measured by the percentage change in the CPI from the same month in the previous year, was 3.4 percent in July, down from 3.5 percent in June.
The core inflation rate, which excludes the prices of food and energy, was 2.5 percent in July, down from 2.6 in June.

Headline inflation and core inflation were both equal to the forecasts of economists surveyed by FactSet. (Note that because of last year’s federal government shutdown, inflation data for October 2025 are not available.)

In the following figure, we look at the 1-month inflation rate for headline and core inflation—that is the annual inflation rate calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. Calculated as the 1-month inflation rate, both headline (the blue line) and core inflation (the red line) increased in July from the negative values in June. That is, the U.S. economy experienced deflation in June because the price level, measured by the CPI and by the CPI less food and energy prices, fell in that month.

In July, 1-month headline CPI inflation was 0.9 percent and 1-month core CPI inflation was 2.6 percent.

The following figure illustrates the role played by energy prices in contributing to the large swings in the monthly inflation rate since the conflict in Iran began at the end of February. The red line shows the 1-month inflation rate in all energy prices included in the CPI. Inflation in energy prices, which had increased at annual rate of 245 percent in March, declined at an annual rate of 16.4 percent in July. The blue line shows the 1-month inflation rate in gasoline prices, which in March had spiked to more than 900 percent measured at an annual rate, declined at an annual rate of 29.4 percent in July. A return to full-scale hostilities in the Middle East would increase oil prices, which would likely lead to an increase in the U.S. inflation rate.

There had been a fear that the rise in energy prices that began in March would pass through to increases in food prices, which are a key concern for many consumers. The following figure shows 1-month inflation in the CPI category “food at home” (the blue bar)—primarily food purchased at grocery stores—and the category “food away from home” (the red bar)—primarily food purchased at restaurants. Inflation in grocery prices, which increased 2.3 percent in June, declined 0.9 percent in July. Inflation in food prices away from home increased from 2.8 percent in June to 3.8 percent in July. To this point, increases in energy priced do not seem to have caused a significant increase in either grocery prices or restaurant prices.

Today’s relatively good inflation report, following last week’s report showing an unexpected decline in employment, has likely reduced the chance that Federal Reserve policymakers will increase their target for the federal funds rate at the next meeting of the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) on September 15–16. In trading in the federal funds futures market this afternoon, investors assigned a 62.1 percent probability to the FOMC keeping its target unchanged at that meeting, which was up from a 51.6 probability yesterday. Traders assign a 53.2 percent probability to the committee increasing its target at its October 27–28 meeting, down from 62.2 percent yesterday.

It’s worth noting, however, that inflation is still running above the Federal Reserve’s 2 percent annual inflation target. In testimony before Congress in a hearing on his nomination as Fed Chair, Kevin Warsh cautioned that good news in a single month’s inflation report should be treated with caution. Warsh has intentionally moved away from discussing the circumstances under which monetary policy might change in the future—so-called forward guidance. (We discuss forward guidance in Macroeconomics, Chapter 15 (Economics, Chapter 25)). Uncertainty about actions the FOMC may take during its three remaining meeting this year remains high.

Employment in July Unexpectedly Declined

This morning (August 7), the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) released its “Employment Situation” report (often called the “jobs report”) for July. The report showed a decline in employment.

According to the establishment survey, there was a net decrease of 23,000 nonfarm jobs during July. Economists surveyed by the Wall Street Journal had forecast an increase of 83,000 jobs. Economists surveyed by FactSet had forecast a higher net increase of 100,000 jobs. The BLS revised downward its previous estimates of employment in May and June by a combined 103,000 jobs. (The BLS notes that: “Monthly revisions result from additional reports received from businesses and government agencies since the last published estimates and from the recalculation of seasonal factors.”)

The following figure from the jobs report shows the net change in nonfarm payroll employment for each month in the last two years. The figure shows that since peaking in March with a net increase of 214,000 jobs, job growth has slowed markedly over the last four months. Over the last three months, we’ve seen only an average of 20,000 net new jobs created.

The slow pace of recent job growth is consistent with the view among some economists that slowing labor force growth has driven the break-even rate of employment growth—the rate required to keep the unemployment rate constant—down to nearly zero

Despite the decrease in employment in July, the unemployment rate, which is calculated from data in the household survey, declined to 4.1 percent from 4.2 percent in June. The decline in the unemployment rate was due to a decline in the estimated size of the labor force. Although the estimated size of the labor force can fluctuate significantly from month to month, July was the fifth month in a row during which the labor force is estimated to have declined. Despite that fact, as the following figure shows, the unemployment rate has been remarkably stable over the past year and a half, staying between 4.0 percent and 4.4 percent in each month since June 2024. The Federal Open Market Committee’s current estimate of the natural rate of unemployment—the normal rate of unemployment over the long run—is 4.2 percent. So, currently the unemployment rate is slightly below that estimate of the natural rate. (We discuss the natural rate of unemployment in Macroeconomics, Chapter 9 and Economics, Chapter 19.)

As the following figure shows, the monthly net change in jobs from the household survey moves much more erratically than does the net change in jobs from the establishment survey. As measured by the household survey, there was a net decrease of 87,000 jobs in July, roughly similar to the net decrease in employment shown in the establishment survey. Since January, the household survey has sown a net increase in jobs in only one month, with a total net decrease of 1.8 million jobs. In contrast, the establishment survey has shown a net increase of 426,000 jobs over the same period. (Note that because of last year’s shutdown of the federal government, there are no data for October or November.)

The household survey has another important labor market indicator: the employment-population ratio for prime age workers—those workers aged 25 to 54. In July, the ratio increased to 80.4 percent, partially reversing the sharp decline in June. The prime-age population ratio can show volatility from month to month but has remained above 80 percent every month since December 2022.

There have been media reports of firms, including Salesforce, Cloudflare, Coinbase, Cisco Systems, and Meta Platforms, laying off workers in information systems. The following figure shows net employment changes in the BLS employment category of “computing infrastructure providers, data processing, web hosting, and related services.” Employment in this sector has been declining during most months since the beginning of 2023. July was an exception with a net increase of 2,400 jobs.

The establishment survey also includes data on average hourly earnings (AHE). As we noted in earlier posts, many economists and policymakers believe the employment cost index (ECI) is a better measure of wage pressures in the economy than is AHE. AHE does have the important advantage of being available monthly, whereas the ECI is only available quarterly. The following figure shows the percentage change in AHE from the same month in the previous year. AHE increased 3.2 percent in July, down from 3.4 percent in June. The rate of increase in AHE has been below 4.0 percent each month since August 2025, indicating that cost pressure from wage increases has not been a significant source of price inflation during the past year.

With inflation having been above the Federal Reserve’s 2 percent annual target every month since March 2021, there has been increasing speculation that the Fed’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) would increase its target for the federal funds rate at least once before the end of 2026. At the FOMC’s last meeting in late July, three members of the committee voted to increase the target, an unusual amount of dissent from a committee decision.

Does the slowdown in employment growth in recent months reduce the chance that the FOMC will increase its target range for the federal funds rate at its next meeting on September 15–16? Investors in the federal funds futures market believe that the answer is “yes.” Yesterday, investors assigned only a 45.0 percent probability to the committee keeping its target rate unchanged. This afternoon, that probability had increased to 55.9 percent. The BLS will release its estimate of inflation as measured by the consumer price index next Wednesday. That report will provide further evidence about the current state of inflation.

CPI Inflation Comes in Below Expectations

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Today (July 14), the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) released its report on the consumer price index (CPI) for June. In May, higher energy prices caused by the conflict in Iran contributed to inflation increasing to the highest rate in more than three years. In June, as energy prices decreased, inflation experienced the largest one-month decrease since April 2020.

The following figure compares headline CPI inflation (the blue line) and core CPI inflation (the red line).

The headline inflation rate, which is measured by the percentage change in the CPI from the same month in the previous year, was 3.5 percent in June, down from 4.2 percent in May.
The core inflation rate, which excludes the prices of food and energy, declined from 2.8 percent in May to 2.6 percent in June.

Headline inflation and core inflation were both well below the forecasts of economists surveyed by FactSet. (Note that because of last year’s federal government shutdown, inflation data for October and November 2025 are not available.)

In the following figure, we look at the 1-month inflation rate for headline and core inflation—that is the annual inflation rate calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. Calculated as the 1-month inflation rate, both headline (the blue line) and core inflation (the red line) were negative in June. That is, the U.S. economy experienced deflation last month because the price level, measures by the CPI and by the CPI less food and energy prices, fell in June.

The following figure illustrates the role played by energy prices in causing the large swings in the monthly inflation rate since the conflict in Iran began at the end of February. The red line shows the 1-month inflation rate in all energy prices included in the CPI. Inflation in energy prices, which had increased at annual rate of 245 percent in March, fell at annual rate of 50.6 percent in June. The blue line shows the 1-month inflation rate in gasoline prices, which in March had spiked to more than 900 percent measured at an annual rate, fell at an annual rate of 70.6 percent in June. The recent escalation in the conflict in Iran has increased oil prices, which will likely lead to an increase in the inflation rate in July.

There has been a fear that the rise in energy prices that began in March would pass through to increases in food prices, which are a key concern for many consumers. The following figure shows 1-month inflation in the CPI category “food at home” (the blue bar)—primarily food purchased at grocery stores—and the category “food away from home” (the red bar)—primarily food purchased at restaurants. Inflation in grocery prices increased from 0.8 percent in May to a still fairly low 2.3 percent in June. Inflation in food prices away from home fell from 3.7 percent in May to 2.8 percent in June. To this point, increases in energy priced do not seem to have had much effect on grocery prices or on restaurant prices.

The unexpectedly large decline in inflation in today’s report has likely reduced the chance that Federal Reserve policymakers will increase their target for the federal funds rate at the next meeting of the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) on July 28–29. In trading in the federal funds futures market this morning, investors assigned a 83.4 percent probability to the FOMC keeping its target unchanged, which was up sharply from a 58.3 probability yesterday. Traders assign a 61.3 percent probability to the committee increasing its target at its September 15–16 meeting, down from 75.1 percent yesterday.

In testimony before Congress today after the CPI report was released, Fed Chair Kevin Warsh cautioned that good news in a single month’s inflation report should be treated with caution: “There might be some who look at today’s data and say ‘mission accomplished.’ That is not my view.”

Weaker than Expected Jobs Report

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This morning (July 2)—one day early because tomorrow is a federal holiday—the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) released its “Employment Situation” report (often called the “jobs report”) for June. The report showed a smaller than expected increase in employment.

According to the establishment survey, there was a net increase of 57,000 nonfarm jobs during June. Economists surveyed by the Wall Street Journal had forecast an increase of 115,000 jobs. Economists surveyed by FactSet had a lower forecast of a net increase of 100,000 jobs. The BLS revised downward its previous estimates of employment in April and May by a combined 74,000 jobs. (The BLS notes that: “Monthly revisions result from additional reports received from businesses and government agencies since the last published estimates and from the recalculation of seasonal factors.”)

The following figure from the jobs report shows the net change in nonfarm payroll employment for each month in the last two years. The figure shows that the relatively strong 137,000 average net increase in jobs over the past four months represents a break from the unusual pattern in that began in the middle of 2025 in which months of declining employment and months of increasing employment had been alternating.

These employment gains conflict with a popular view among economists that slowing labor force growth has driven the break-even rate of employment growth—the rate required to keep the unemployment rate constant—down to nearly zero

Despite the relatively small increase in employment in June, the unemployment rate, which is calculated from data in the household survey, declined to 4.2 percent from 4.3 percent in May at 4.3. The decline in the unemployment rate was due to a decline in the estimated size of the labor force, an estimate that fluctuates significantly from month to month. Despite that fact, as the following figure shows, the unemployment rate has been remarkably stable over the past year and a half, staying between 4.0 percent and 4.4 percent in each month since May 2024. The Federal Open Market Committee’s current estimate of the natural rate of unemployment—the normal rate of unemployment over the long run—is 4.2 percent. So, currently the unemployment rate is equal to that estimate of the natural rate. (We discuss the natural rate of unemployment in Macroeconomics, Chapter 9 and Economics, Chapter 19.)

As the following figure shows, the monthly net change in jobs from the household survey moves much more erratically than does the net change in jobs from the establishment survey. As measured by the household survey, there was a net decrease of 507,000 jobs in June, as compared to the net increase in employment shown in the establishment survey. In addition, the household survey shows a significant net decline in jobs during the past six months, in contrast to the significant net increase in jobs shown in the establishment survey. (Note that because of last year’s shutdown of the federal government, there are no data for October or November.)

The household survey has another important labor market indicator: the employment-population ratio for prime age workers—those workers aged 25 to 54. In June. the ratio declined sharply to 80.2 percent from 80.8 percent in May, the lowest value since December 2022. The decline in the prime-age population ratio is difficult to reconcile with the net increase in employment shown in the payroll survey. The state of the labor market in June seemed significantly weaker in household survey data than in establishment survey data.

There have been media reports of firms, including Salesforce, Cloudflare, Coinbase, Cisco Systems, and Meta Platforms, laying off workers in information systems. The following figure shows net employment changes in the BLS employment category of “computing infrastructure providers, data processing, web hosting, and related services.” Employment in this sector has been declining during most months since the beginning of 2023. June was no exception with a net decrease of 3,300 jobs.

The establishment survey also includes data on average hourly earnings (AHE). As we noted in this post, many economists and policymakers believe the employment cost index (ECI) is a better measure of wage pressures in the economy than is the AHE. The AHE does have the important advantage of being available monthly, whereas the ECI is only available quarterly. The following figure shows the percentage change in the AHE from the same month in the previous year. The AHE increased 3.5 percent in June, up slightly from 3.4 percent in May.

What effect is this jobs report likely to have on the decisions of the Federal Reserve’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) at its next meeting on July 28–19? The slowdown in employment growth reduces the chance that the FOMC will increase its target range for the federal funds rate. The probability that investors in the federal funds futures market assign to the FOMC increasing its target range at that meeting fell from 28.9 percent yesterday to 17.6 percent this morning. Investors still assign a 54.0 percent probability to the FOMC raising its target range at its September meeting, but that was down from 64.1 percent yesterday.

FOMC Holds Target Rate Constant as Warsh Promises Procedural Changes after First Meeting as Chair

Photo of Kevin Warsh from bloomberg.com via the Wall Street Journal

It was a foregone conclusion that at its meeting that ended today, the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) would leave unchanged its target range for the federal funds rate at 3.50 percent to 3.75 percent. There was great interest, however, about whether at his first meeting as chair of the committee, Kevin Warsh might indicate changes he would push for in the committee’s procedures.

One immediate change was evident in the statement that the committee released at the end of its meeting. The first statement reproduced below is from April 29, the last meeting Jerome Powell presided over as chair. The second statement is the statement that the committee released today.

The statement released today is much shorter and omits any mention of how the committee might respond in the future to new economic data, other than the simple statement that, “The Committee will deliver price stability.”

The brevity of the statement reflects the skepticism Warsh had voiced in his Senate confirmation hearings on the usefulness of forward guidance, or statements by the FOMC about how it will conduct monetary policy in the future. We discuss forward guidance in Macroeconomics, Chapter 15 (Economics, Chapter 25).

In his press conference following the meeting, Warsh announced that he was forming five new committees to look at: 1) Fed communications, 2) the Fed’s balance sheet, 3) the Fed’s use of data, 4) the effects of technological change and productivity, particularly with respect to artificial intelligence, and 5) the inflation process, with the aim of identifying key drivers of inflation. He indicated that the committees would include members from outside the Fed and were expected to report their findings by the end of the year.

After the meeting, the committee also released a “Summary of Economic Projections” (SEP)—as it typically does after its March, June, September, and December meetings. The SEP presents median values of the, typically, 19 committee members’ forecasts of key economic variables. Notably, Warsh indicated that, although he encouraged his colleagues on the committee to continue submitting their forecasts to be compiled in the SEP, he didn’t submit forecasts. He indicated that the future of the SEP is one of the issues to be considered by his new committee on Fed communications.

The forecasts of key economic variables from the SEP are summarized in the following table, reproduced from the release. (Note that only 5 of the district bank presidents vote at FOMC meetings, although all 12 presidents participate in the discussions and prepare forecasts for the SEP.)

There are several aspects of these forecasts worth noting:

Compared with the previous SEP in March, the committee members reduced their forecast of real GDP growth in 2026 from 2.4 percent to 2.2 percent. The committee members left unchanged their forecast of long-run growth in real GDP at 2.0 percent. Despite reducing their forecast of real GDP growth in 2026, the committee lowered their forecast of the unemployment rate in 2026 from 4.4 percent to 4.3 percent. The committee members left their forecast of the long-run rate of unemployment, often called the natural rate of unemployment, unchanged at 4.2 percent.
Committee members significantly raised their forecast of personal consumption expenditures (PCE) price inflation in 2026 to 3.6 percent from 2.7 percent in March. They raised their forecast of inflation in 2027 slightly and continued to forecast that PCE inflation will decline to the Fed’s 2.0 percent annual target in 2028.
The committee’s forecasts of the federal funds rate at the end of each year from 2026 through 2028 were increased, indicating that the committee sees the federal funds rate as likely to be “higher for longer.” The forecast for the long-run federal funds rate was left unchanged at 3.1 percent.

Prior to the meeting, there was much discussion in the business press and among investment analysts about the dot plot, shown below. Each dot in the plot represents the projection of an individual committee member. (The committee doesn’t disclose which member is associated with which dot.) Note that there are 18 dots, representing the 6 members of the Fed’s Board of Governors who provided forecasts and all 12 presidents of the Fed’s district banks.

The dots plotted on the far left of the figure represent the projections by the 18 members of the value of the federal funds rate at the end of 2026. The plots indicate that at this point eight members of the committee forecast no change in the federal funds rate this year, nine members (circled in red) expect at least one increase in the federal funds rate by the end of the year, and only one member expected that there would be a cut in the federal funds by year’s end. The dots plotted on the far right of the figure indicate that there is substantial disagreement among committee members as to what the long-run value of the federal funds rate—the so-called neutral rate—should be. Of course, the plots only represent the forecasts of the committee members and individual committee members are likely to adjust their forecasts as additional macroeconomic data become available in the coming months.

Warsh indicated at his press conference that it was unlikely that he would hold a press conference after each meeting of the committee as Jerome Powell had been doing beginning with the January 2019 meeting.

Warsh made several other notable points at the press conference. He reiterated that the Fed’s inflation target would remain an annual increase of 2.0 percent in the PCE. He noted that he saw the current level of the federal funds rate as having a restrictive effect on only the housing market. And he expressed dissatisfaction with how the economic statistics the FOMC relies upon when setting policy were being compiled. He indicated that the new committee on the Fed’s use of data might formulate suggestions to other federal government agencies, such as the Bureau of Economic Analysis and the Bureau of Labor Statistics, on changes in how they collect data.

CPI Inflation Highest Since 2023, but Slightly Below Expectations

Image generated by ChatGPT

Today (June 10), the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) released its report on the consumer price index (CPI) for May. As expected, higher energy prices caused by the conflict in Iran have continued to result in high rates of inflation. The following figure compares headline CPI inflation (the blue line) and core CPI inflation (the red line).

The headline inflation rate, which is measured by the percentage change in the CPI from the same month in the previous year, was 4.2 percent in May, up from 3.8 in April. This was the highest inflation rate since April 2023.
The core inflation rate, which excludes the prices of food and energy, ticked up only slightly to 2.8 percent in May from 2.7 percent in April.

Headline inflation was equal to and core inflation was slightly lower than economists surveyed by FactSet had forecast. (Note that because of last year’s federal government shutdown, inflation data for October and November 2025 are not available.)

In the following figure, we look at the 1-month inflation rate for headline and core inflation—that is the annual inflation rate calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. Calculated as the 1-month inflation rate, headline inflation (the blue line) was high at 5.8 percent in May, but down from a very high 8.0 percent in April and 10.9 percent in March. Core inflation (the red line) was 2.5 percent in May, down significantly from 4.6 percent in April.

The following figure emphasizes the role played by energy prices in causing the jump in inflation. The blue line shows the 1-month inflation rate in all energy prices included in the CPI. Inflation in energy prices increased from a very high 56.6 percent in April to a slightly higher 58.8 percent in May. The red line shows the 1-month inflation rate in gasoline prices, which rose from a very high 88.8 percent in April to an even higher 126.4 percent in May.

Did the jump in energy prices pass through to increases in food prices, which are a key concern for many consumers? The following figure shows 1-month inflation in the CPI category “food at home” (the blue bar)—primarily food purchased at grocery stores—and the category “food away from home” (the red bar)—primarily food purchased at restaurants. Inflation in grocery prices slowed markedly to 0.8 percent in May from 8.5 percent in April. Inflation in food prices away from home was 3.7 percent in May, up from 2.8 percent in April. April’s very high rate of increase in grocery prices was due to rising energy prices, but also to sharp increases in beef and fruit and vegetable prices, which had risen for reasons largely unrelated to higher energy costs. Consumers enjoyed some relief in May from the sharp decrease in the rate of increase in grocery prices.

This inflation report is unlikely to have much effect on Fed policymakers as they prepare for the next meeting of the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) on June 16–17—Kevin Warsh’s first meeting as Fed chair. Persistently high inflation rates combined with relatively strong data on economic growth and employment make it more likely that the FOMC will increase, rather than cut, its target for the federal funds rate later in the year.

At this point, trading in the federal funds futures market indicates that investors believe that its unlikely that the committee will raise or lower its target for the federal funds rate at its June, July, or September meetings. This morning, investors assigned a 48.6 percent probability of the FOMC raising its target for the federal funds rate at its October 27–28 meeting and a 66.2 percent of doing so at its meeting on December 8–9.

Surprisingly Strong Jobs Report

Image generated by ChatGPT

This morning (June 5), the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) released its “Employment Situation” report (often called the “jobs report”) for May. The report showed a stronger than expected increase in employment.

The jobs report has two estimates of the change in employment during the month: one estimate from the establishment survey, often referred to as the payroll survey, and one from the household survey. As we discuss in Macroeconomics, Chapter 9, Section 9.1 (Economics, Chapter 19, Section 19.1), many economists and Federal Reserve policymakers believe that employment data from the establishment survey provide a more accurate indicator of the state of the labor market than do the household survey’s employment and unemployment data. (The groups included in the employment estimates from the two surveys are somewhat different, as we discuss in this post.)

According to the establishment survey, there was a net increase of 172,000 nonfarm jobs during May. Economists surveyed by the Wall Street Journal had forecast an increase of only 80,000 jobs. Economists surveyed by Bloomberg had a slightly higher forecast of a net increase of 88,000 jobs. The BLS revised upward its previous estimates of employment in March and April by a combined 93,000 jobs. (The BLS notes that: “Monthly revisions result from additional reports received from businesses and government agencies since the last published estimates and from the recalculation of seasonal factors.”)

The following figure from the jobs report shows the net change in nonfarm payroll employment for each month in the last two years. The figure shows that the relatively strong employment increases of the past three months represent a break from the unusual pattern in that began in the middle of 2025 in which months of declining employment and months of increasing employment had been alternating.

These increased employment gains are not consistent with an increasingly popular view among economists that slowing labor force growth had resulted in the break-even rate of employment growth—the rate of employment growth at which the unemployment rate remains constant—having fallen to close to zero.

In fact, despite the strong increase in employment, the unemployment rate, which is calculated from data in the household survey, was unchanged in May at 4.3 percent. As the following figure shows, the unemployment rate has been remarkably stable over the past year and a half, staying between 4.0 percent and 4.4 percent in each month since May 2024. The Federal Open Market Committee’s current estimate of the natural rate of unemployment—the normal rate of unemployment over the long run—is 4.2 percent. So, unemployment is slightly above that estimate of the natural rate. (We discuss the natural rate of unemployment in Macroeconomics, Chapter 9 and Economics, Chapter 19.)

As the following figure shows, the monthly net change in jobs from the household survey moves much more erratically than does the net change in jobs from the establishment survey. As measured by the household survey, there was a net increase of 149,000 jobs in May, roughly similar to the increase in the establishment survey. But the household survey shows an overall decline in jobs during the past five months, in contrast to the net increase in jobs shown in the establishment survey. (Note that because of last year’s shutdown of the federal government, there are no data for October or November.) It’s not unusual for the two surveys to show significantly different movements in net job creation, particularly over short periods of time.

The household survey has another important labor market indicator: the employment-population ratio for prime age workers—those workers aged 25 to 54. In May the ratio was 80.8 percent, up slightly from 80.7 percent in April. The prime-age population ratio remains above its value for most of the period since 2001. The persistently high levels of the prime-age employment-population ratio indicate continuing strength in the labor market.

There have been media reports of firms, including Salesforce, Cloudflare, Coinbase, Cisco Systems, and Meta Platforms, laying off workers in information systems. The following figure shows net employment changes in the BLS employment category of “computing infrastructure providers, data processing, web hosting, and related services.” Employment in this sector has been declining during most months since the beginning of 2023, but May was an exception with a net increase of 3,700 jobs.

What effect is this jobs report likely to have on the decisions of the Federal Reserve’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) at its next meeting on June 16–17, the first meeting with Kevin Warsh as chair? The relatively strong growth in employment during the past three months make it unlikely that the FOMC will see current conditions in the job market as warranting a cut in the committee’s target range for the federal funds rate. In addition, disruptions to the world oil market as a result of the conflict in Iran have caused oil prices to rise, putting upward pressure on the price level. The effects of tariff increases have likely not yet fully passed through to increases in prices. These factors make it likely that the committee will keep its target range for the federal funds rate unchanged at its next meeting and may even begin considering future increases in the target range.

The probability that investors in the federal funds futures market assign to the FOMC keeping its target rate unchanged at its June meeting increased to 97.2 percent this morning from 95.4 percent yesterday. Investors now assign a higher probability to a rate increase by the end of the year than to a rate cut.