Exchange rates – HubbardOBrienEconomics.com Blog

Solved Problem: Is a Weak Yen Good or Bad for the Japanese Economy?

Supports: Macroeconomics, Chapter 18, Economics, Chapter 28, and Essentials of Economics, Chapter 19.

In a recent post, economics blogger Noah Smith discussed the effects on the Japanese economy of a “weaker yen”: “A weaker yen is making Japanese people feel suddenly poorer ….” But “let’s remember that a ‘weaker’ exchange rate isn’t always a bad thing.”

When the yen becomes weaker, does one yen exchange for more or fewer U.S. dollars?
Why might a weaker yen make Japanese people feel poorer?
Are there any ways that a weaker yen might help the Japanese economy? Briefly explain.
Considering your answers to parts b. and c., can you determine whether a weak yen is good or bad for the Japanese economy? Briefly explain.

Solving the Problem

Step 1: Review the chapter material. This problem is about the effect of changes in a country’s exchange rate on the country’s economy, so you may want to review Macroeconomics, Chapter 18, Section 18.2, “The Foreign Exchange Market and Exchange Rates,” (Economics, Chapter 28, Section 18.2, and Essentials of Economics, Chapter 19, Section 19.6.

Step 2: Answer part a. by explaining what a “weaker” yen means. A weaker yen will exchange for fewer U.S. dollars (or other currencies), or, equivalently, more yen will be required in exchange for a U.S. dollar. (This situation is illustrated in the figure at the top of this post, which shows the substantial weakening of yen against the dollar in the period since the end of the 2020 recession.)

Step 3: Answer part b. by explaining why a weaker yen might make people in Japan feel poorer. A weaker yen raises the yen price of imported goods. For example at an exchange rate of ¥100 = $1, a $1 Hershey candy bar imported from the United States will sell in Japan for ¥100. But if the yen becomes weaker and the exchange rate moves to ¥120 = $1, then the imported candy bar will have increased in price to ¥120. (Note that this discussion is simplified because a change in the exchange rate won’t necessarily be fully passed through to the prices of imported goods, particularly in the short run. But we would still expect that a weaker yen will result in higher yen prices of imports.) A weaker yen will require people in Japan to pay more for imports, leaving them with less to spend on other goods. Because they will be able to consume less, people in Japan will feel poorer. (As we note in Section 18.3, many goods traded internally are priced in U.S. dollars—oil being an important example. Because Japan imports nearly all of its oil and more than half of its food, a decline in the value of the yen in exchange for the dollar will increase the yen price of key consumer goods.)

Step 4: Answer part c. by explaining how a weaker yen might help the Japanese economy. A weaker yen increases the yen price of Japanese imports but it also decreases the foreign currency price of Japanese exports. This effect would be the main way in which a weaker yen might help the Japanese economy but we can also note that Japanese businesses that compete with foreign imports will also be helped by the increase in import prices.

Step 5: Answer part d. by explaining that a weaker yen isn’t all bad or all good for the Japanese economy. As the answers to parts b. and c. indicate, a weaker yen creates both winners and losers in the Japanese economy. Japanese consumers lose as a result of a weaker yen but Japanese firms that export or that compete against foreign imports will be helped.

Solved Problem: Will Investors in Japan and Europe Buy the Increased Quantity of U.S. Treasury Bonds?

Supports: Macroeconomics, Chapter 18, Section 18.2; Economics, Chapter 28, Section 28.2; and Essentials of Economics, Chapter 19, Section 19.6.

As the figure above shows, federal government debt, sometimes called the national debt, has been increasing rapidly in the years since the 2020 Covid pandemic. (The figure show federal government debt held by the public, which excludes debt held by federal government trust funds, such as the Social Security trusts funds.) The debt grows each year the federal government runs a budget deficit—that is, whenever federal government expenditures exceed federal government revenues. The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) forecasts large federal budget deficits over the next 30 years, so unless Congress and the president increase taxes or cut expenditures, the size of the federal debt will continue to increase rapidly. (The CBO’s latest forecast can be found here. We discuss the long-run deficit and debt situation in this earlier blog post.)

When the federal government runs a budget deficit, the U.S. Treasury must sell Treasury bills, notes, and bonds to raise the funds necessary to bridge the gap between revenues and expenditures. (Treasury bills have a maturity—the time until the debt is paid off by the Treasury—of 1 year or less; Treasury notes have a maturity of 2 years to 10 years; and Treasury bonds have a maturity of greater than 10 years. For convenience, we will refer to all of these securities as “bonds.”) A recent article in the Wall Street Journal discussed the concern among some investors about the ability of the bond market to easily absorb the large amounts of bonds that Treasury will have to sell. (The article can be found here. A subscription may be required.)

According to the article, one source of demand is likely to be European and Japanese investors.

“The euro and yen are both sinking relative to the dollar, in part because the Bank of Japan is still holding rates low and investors expect the European Central Bank to slash them soon. That could increase demand for U.S. debt, with Treasury yields remaining elevated relative to global alternatives.”

a. What does the article mean by “the euro and the yen are both sinking relative to the dollar”?

b. Why would the fact that U.S. interest rates are greater than interest rates in Europe and Japan cause the euro and the yen to sink relative to the dollar?

c. If you were a Japanese investor, would you rather be invested in U.S. Treasury bonds when the yen is sinking relative to the dollar or when it is rising? Briefly explain.

Solving the Problem

Step 1: Review the chapter material. This problem is about the determinants of exchange rates, so you may want to review Macroeconomics, Chapter 18, Section 18.2, “The Foreign Exchange Market and Exchange Rates” (Economics, Chapter 28, Section 28.2; Essentials of Economics, Chapter 19, Section 19.6.)

Step 2: Answer part a. by explaining what it means that the euro and the yen “sinking relative to the dollar.” Sinking relative to the dollar means that the exchange rates between the euro and the dollar and between the yen and the dollar are declining. In other words, a dollar will exchange for more yen and for more euros.

Step 3: Answer part b. by explaining how differences in interest rates between countries can affect the exchange between the countries’ currencies. Holding other factors that can affect the attractiveness of an investment in a country’s bonds constant, the demand foreign investors have for a country’s bonds will depend on the difference in interest rates between the two countries. For example, a Japanese investor will prefer to invest in U.S. Treasury bonds if the interest rate is higher on Treasury bonds than the interest rate on Japanese government bonds. So, if interest rates in Europe decline relative to interest rates in the United States, we would expect that European investors will increase their investments in U.S. Treasury bonds. To invest in U.S. Treasury bonds, European investors will need to exhange euros for dollars, causing the supply curve for euros in exchange for dollars to shift to the right, reducing the value of the euro.

Step 4: Answer part c. by discussing whether if you were a Japanese investor, you would you rather be invested in U.S. Treasury bonds when the yen is sinking relative to the dollar or when it is rising. In answering this part, you should draw a distinction between the situation of a Japanese investor who already owns U.S. Treasury bonds and one who is considering buying U.S. Treasury bonds. A Japanese investor who already owns U.S. Treasury bonds would definitely prefer to own them when the value of the yen if falling against the dollar. In this situation, the investor will receive more yen for a given amount of dollars the investor earns from the Treasury bonds. A Japanese investor who doesn’t currently own U.S. bonds, but is thinking of buying them, would want the value of the yen to be increasing relative to the dollar because then the investor would have to pay fewer yen to buy a Treasury bond with a price in dollars, all other factors being equal. (The face value of a Treasury bond is $1,000, although at any given time the price in the bond market may not equal the face value of the bond.) If the interest rate difference between U.S. and Japanese bonds is increasing at the same time as the value of the yen is decreasing (as in the situation described in the article) a Japanese investor would have to weigh the gain from the higher interest rate against the higher price in yen the investor would have to pay to buy the Treasury bond.

Solved Problem: The Mexican “Super Peso”

A food market in Mexico. (Photo from mexperience.com)

Supports: Macroeconomics, Chapter 18, Economics, Chapter 28, and Essentials of Economics, Chapter 19.

In September 2023, an article in the Los Angeles Times discussed the effects on Mexico of the “’super-peso,’ as the Mexican currency has been dubbed since steadily gaining 18% on the dollar during the last 12 months.” The article focused on the effects of the rising value of the peso on people in Mexico who receive U.S. dollars from relatives and friends working in the United States. Many of the people who receive these payments rely on them to buy basic necessities, such as food and clothing. An article in the Wall Street Journal on the effects of the rising value of the peso noted that: “The peso’s strength has helped curtail inflation ….”

Briefly explain what the Los Angeles Times article means by the peso “gaining” on the U.S. dollar? Does the peso gaining on the dollar mean that someone exchanging dollars for pesos would receive more pesos or fewer pesos?
As a result of the rising value of the peso would people in Mexico receiving dollar payments from relatives in the United States be better off or worse off? Briefly explain.
Why would the increasing strength of the peso reduce the inflation rate in Mexico?
The Los Angeles Times article also noted that: “The Bank of Mexico’s benchmark interest rate of 11.25% is more than double the U.S. Federal Reserve target …” Does this fact have anything to do with the increase in the value of the peso in exchange for the dollar? Briefly explain.

Solving the Problem

Step 1: Review the chapter material. This problem is about the effect of fluctuations in the exchange rate and the relationship between interest rates and exchange rates, so you may want to review Macroeconomics, Chapter 18, Section 8.2, “The Foreign Exchange Market and Exchange Rates,” or the corresponding sections in Economics, Chapter 28 or Essentials of Economics, Chapter 19.

Step 2: Answer part a. by explaining what it means for the peso to be “gaining” on the U.S. dollar. The peso gaining on the dollar means that someone can exchange fewer pesos to receive a dollar. Or, alternatively, someone exchanging dollars for pesos will receive fewer pesos.

Step 3: Answer part b. by explaining why people in Mexico receiving dollar payments from relatives in the United States will be worse off because of the rising value of the peso. People living in Mexico needs pesos to buy food and clothing from Mexican stores. Because people will receive fewer pesos in exchange for the dollars they receive from relatives in the United States, these people will have been made worse off by the rising value of the peso.

Step 4: Answer part c. by explaining why the increasing strength of the peso will reduce inflation in Mexico. A country’s inflation rate includes the prices of imported goods as well as the prices of domestically produced goods. A stronger peso means that fewer pesos are needed to buy the same quantity of a foreign currency, which reduces the peso price of imports from that country. For example, a stronger peso reduces the number of pesos Mexican consumers pay to buy $10 worth of cucumbers imported from the United States. Falling prices of imported goods will reduce the inflation rate in Mexico.

Step 5: Answer part d. by explaining why higher interest rates in Mexico relative to interest rates in the United States will increase the value of the peso in exchange for the U.S. dollar. If interest rates in Mexico rise relative to interest rates in the United States, Mexican financial assets, such as Mexican government bonds, will be more desirable, causing investors to increase their demand for the pesos they need to buy Mexican financial assets. The resulting shift to the right in the demand curve for pesos will cause the equilibrium exchange rate between the peso and the dollar to increase.

Sources: Patrick J. McDonnell, “Mexico’s Peso Is Soaring. That’s Bad News for People Who Rely on Dollars Sent from the U.S.,” Los Angeles Times, September 5, 2023; and Anthony Harrup, “Mexico’s Peso Surges to Strongest Level Since 2015,” Wall Street Journal, July 13, 2023.

The Surprising Effect of Weight-Loss Drugs on Monetary Policy in Denmark

Novo Nordisk production facility in Denmark (Photo from Bloomberg News via the Wall Street Journal.)

Like most other small European countries, imports and exports are more important in the Danish economy than in the U.S. economy. In 2022, imports were 59 percent of Danish GDP and exports were 70 percent. In contrast, in 2022 imports were only 16 percent of U.S. GDP and exports were only 12 percent.

The Danish company Novo Nordisk makes the weight-loss prescription injections Ozempic and Wegovy. Because these and related pharmaceuticals are the first to result in significant weight loss among patients, demand for them has been very strong. (Note that some researchers believe that is not yet clear whether long-term use of these drugs might have side effects.) Demand has been so strong that Novo Nordisk’s market cap—the total value of its outstanding shares of stock—is now larger than Denmark’s GDP. According to the Wall Street Journal, Novo Nordisk now has the second largest market cap in Europe, behind only luxury good manufacturer LVMH Moët Hennessy Louis Vuitton

Most of Novo Nordisk’s customers are outside of Denmark, so to buy Ozempic or Wegovy, these customers much exchange their domestic currency—for example, euros, U.S. dollars, pounds, or yen—for Danish kroner. This increase in demand, increases the value of kroner relative to dollars, euros, and other currencies. (We discuss the effects of changes in demand and supply of a currency relative other currencies in Macroeconomics, Chapter 18, Section 18.2, Economics, Chapter 28, Section 28.2, and Essentials of Economics, Chapter 19, Section 19.6.)

Denmark has been a member of the European Union (EU), since the EU’s formation in 1991. But it is one of two EU countries (Sweden is the other) that has retained its own currency rather than using the euro. Because most of Denmark’s trade has traditionally been with other countries in the EU, the Danmarks Nationalbank, Denmark’s central bank, has pegged the value of the krone to the euro. Pegging makes it easier for Danish firms to plan because they know the prices their goods and services will sell for in eurozone countries. In addition, Danish firms that borrow in euros know how much in interest they will be paying in kroner. Finally, if the krone rises in value against other currencies, prices of imported goods and services will increase, raising the Danish inflation rate. (We discuss currency pegs in Macroeconomics, Chapter 18, Section 18.3, and Economics, Chapter 28, Section 28.3.) Inflation is a significant concern in Denmark because, as the following figure shows, the inflation rate reached 10.1 percent in October 2022. Although by July 2023, the inflation rate had decline to 3.1 percent, that rate was still above the Nationalbank’s inflation target of 2 percent.

Source: Statistics Denmark, dst.dk.

To keep the the krone pegged against the euro, the Nationalbank has to reduce the demand for the krone. The key tool that a central bank has to reduce demand for its country’s currency is interest rates. If the Nationalbank keeps interest rates in Denmark below interest rates in eurozone countries, investors will demand fewer kroner in exchange for euros. Accordingly, the Nationalbank as kept its key monetary policy rate below the corresponding rate set by the European Central Bank. In August the ECB’s policy rate was 3.75 percent, whereas the Nationalbank’s corresponding policy rate was 3.35 percent.

It’s unusual even for a small country that its central bank has to take steps to respond to a surge in demand for a single product. But that was the situation of the Danish central bank in 2023.

Sources: Joseph Walker, Dominic Chopping, and Sune Engel Rasmussen Wall Street Journal, August 17, 2023; Matthew Fox, “America’s Favorite Weight Loss Drugs Are Impacting Denmark’s Currency and Interest Rates,” finance.yahoo.com, August 18, 2023; Christian Weinberg, “Novo’s Value Surpasses Denmark GDP After Obesity Drug Boost,” bloomberg.com, August 9, 2023; Tom Fairless, “European Central Bank Raises Rates, Says Pausing Is an Option” Wall Street Journal, July 27, 2023; and “Official Interest Rates,” nationalbanken.dk.

In the Face of Hyperinflation, Some People in Argentina Don’t Save Currency, They Save … Bricks

Argentina’s Argentina’s Economy Minister Sergio Massa coming from a meeting in Washington, DC with the International Monetary Fund to discuss the country’s hyperinflation. Photo from the Wall Street Journal.

Argentina has been through several periods of hyperinflation during with the price level has increased more than 50 percent per month. The following figure shows the inflation rate as measured by the percentage change in the consumer price index from the previous month for since the beginning of 2018. The inflation rate during these years has been volatile, being greater than 50 percent per month during several periods, including staring in the spring of 2022. High rates of inflation have become so routine in Argentina that an article in the Wall Street Journal quoted on store owner as saying, “Here 40% [inflation] is normal. And when we get past 50%, it doesn’t scare us, it simply bothers us.”

As we discuss in Macroeconomics, Chapter 14, Section 14.5 (Economics, Chapter 24, Section 24.5 ), when an economy experiences hyperinflation, consumers and businesses hold the country’s currency for as brief a time as possible because the purchasing power of the currency is declining rapidly. As we noted in the chapter, in some countries experiencing high rates of inflation, consumers and businesses buy and sell goods using U.S. dollars rather than the domestic currency because the purchasing power of the dollar is more stable. This demand for dollars in countries experiencing high inflation rates is one reason why an estimated 80 percent of all $100 bills circulate outside of the United States.

The increased demand for U.S. dollars by people in Argentina is reflected in the exchange rate between the Argentine peso and the U.S. dollar. The following figure shows that at the beginning of 2018, one dollar exchanged for about 18 pesos. By November 2022, one dollar exchanged for about 159 pesos. The exchange rate shown in the figure is the official exchange rate at which people in Argentina can legally exchange pesos for dollars. In practice, it is difficult for many individuals and small firms to buy dollars at the official exchange rate. Instead, they have to use private currency traders who will make the exchange at an unofficial—or “blue”—exchange rate that varies with the demand and supply of pesos for dollars. A reporter for the Economist described his experience during a recent trip to Argentina: “Walk down Calle Lavalle or Calle Florida in the centre of Buenos Aires and every 20 metres someone will call out ‘cambio’ (exchange), offering to buy dollars at a rate that is roughly double the official one.”

People in Argentina are reluctant to deposit their money in banks, partly because the interest rates banks pay typically are lower than the inflation rate, causing the purchasing power of money deposited in banks to decline over time. People are also afraid that the government might keep them from withdrawing their money, which has happened in the past. As an alternative to depositing their money in banks, many people in Argentina buy more goods than they can immediately use and store them, thereby avoiding future price increases on these goods. The Wall Street Journalquoted a university student as saying: “I came to this market and bought as much toilet paper as I could for the month, more than 20 packs. I try to buy all [the goods] I can because I know that next month it will cost more to buy.”

Devon Zuegel, a U.S. software engineer and economics blogger who travels frequently to Argentina, has observed one unusual way that some people in Argentina save while experiencing hyperinflation:

“Bricks—actual bricks, not stacks of cash—are another common savings mechanism, especially for working-class Argentinians. The value of bricks is fairly stable, and they’re useful to a family building out their house. Argentina doesn’t have a mortgage industry, and thus buying a pallet of bricks each time you get a paycheck is an effective way to pay for your home in installments. (Bricks aren’t fully monetized, in that I don’t think people buy bricks and then sell them later, so people only use this method of saving when they actually have something they want to use the bricks for.)”

Sources: “Sergio Massa Is the Only Thing Standing Between Argentina and Chaos,” economist. com, October 13, 2022; Devon Zuegel, “Inside Argentina’s Currency Exchange Black Markets,” devonzuegel.com, September 10, 2022; Silvina Frydlewsky and Juan Forero, “Inflation Got You Down? At Least You Don’t Live in Argentina,” Wall Street Journal, April 25, 2022; and Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, FRED data set.

Solved Problem: How Does the Value of the U.S. Dollar Affect the U.S. and World Economies?

Supports: Macroeconomics, Chapter 18, Economics, Chapter 28, and Essentials of Economics, Chapter 19.

Between June 2021 and September 2022, the exchange rate between the U.S. dollar and an average of the currencies of the major trading partners of the United States increased by 14 percent. (This movement is shown in the figure above.) An article in the New York Times had the headline “The Dollar Is Strong. That Is Good for the U.S. but Bad for the World.”

Briefly explain what the headline means by a “strong” dollar.
Do you agree with the assertion in the headline that a stronger dollar is good for the United States but bad for the economies that the United States trades with? Briefly explain.
During this period the Federal Reserve was taking actions that raised U.S. interest rates. The article noted that “Those interest rate increases are pumping up the value of the dollar ….” Why would increases in U.S. interest rates relative to interest rates in other countries increase the value of the dollar?

Solving the Problem

Step 2: Answer part a. by explaining what a “strong” dollar means. A strong dollar is one that exchanges for more units of foreign currencies, such as British pounds or euros. (A “weak” dollar means the opposite: A dollar that exchanges for fewer units of foreign currencies.)

Step 3: Answer part b. by explaining whether you agree with the assertion that a stronger dollar is good for the United States but bad for the economies of other countries. A stronger U.S. dollar produces winners and losers both in the United States and in other countries. U.S. consumers win because a stronger dollar means that fewer dollars are needed to buy the same quantity of a foreign currency, which reduces the dollar price of imports from that country. For example, a stronger dollar reduces the number of dollars U.S. consumers pay to buy a bottle of French wine that has a 40 euro price. A strong dollar is bad news for foreign consumers because they must pay more units of their currency to buy goods imported from the United States. For example, Japanese consumers will have to pay more yen to buy an imported Hershey’s candy bar with a $1.25 price.

The situation is reversed for U.S. and foreign firms exporting goods. Because foreign consumers have to pay higher prices in their own currencies for goods imported from the United States, they are likely to buy less of them, buying more domestically produced goods or goods imported from other countries. U.S. firms will either to have accept lower sales, or cut the prices they charge for their exports. In either case, U.S. exporters’ revenue will decline. Foreign firms that export to the United States will be in the opposite situation: The dollar prices of their exports will decline, increasing their sales.

We can conclude that the article’s headline is somewhat misleading because not all groups in the United States are helped by a strong dollar and not all groups in other countries are hurt by a strong dollar.

Step 4: Answer part c. by explaining why higher interest rates in the United States relative to interest rates in other countries will increase the exchange value of the dollar. If interest rates in the United States rise relative to interest rates in other countries—as was true during the period from the spring of 2021 to the fall of 2022—U.S. financial assets, such as U.S. Treasury bills, will be more desirable, causing investors to increase their demand for the dollars they need to buy U.S. financial assets. The resulting shift to the right in the demand curve for dollars will cause the equilibrium exchange rate between the dollar and other currencies to increase.

Source: Patricia Cohen, “The Dollar Is Strong. That Is Good for the U.S. but Bad for the World,” New York Times, September 26, 2022.

Interest Rates, the Yen, the Dollar, and the International Financial System

From early March to early May 2022, the Japanese yen persistently lost value versus the U.S. dollar. Between March 1 and May 9, the yen declined by 14% against the dollar, which is a substantial loss in value during such a short time period. What explains the decline in the exchange rate between the yen and the dollar during that time? In Macroeconomics, Chapter 18, Section 18.2 (Economics, Chapter 28, Section 28.2), we saw that the exchange rate between most pairs of currencies fluctuates in response to these factors:

The foreign demand for U.S. goods
U.S. interest rates relative to foreign interest rates
Foreign demand for making direct investments or portfolio investments in the United States
The U.S. demand for foreign goods
Foreign interest rates relative to U.S interest rates
U.S. demand for making direct investments or portfolio investments in other countries

The following figure shows movements in the exchange rate between the yen and the U.S. dollar since 2010. During different periods, the factor that is most important in explaining fluctuations in an exchange rate varies. (Important note: The figure follows the convention of expressing the exchange between the yen and dollar in terms of yen per dollar. Therefore, in the figure, an increase in the exchange rate corresponds to a decrease in the value of the yen versus the dollar because it takes more yen to buy one dollar.)

From early March to early May 2022, the decline in value of the yen versus the dollar was mainly the result of U.S. interest rates increasing relative to Japanese interest rates. As the inflation rate increased rapidly in the spring of 2022, both short-term and long-term interest rates in the United States increased, partly in response to policy actions taken by the Federal Reserve. The Federal Reserve was attempting to increase interest rates in order to raise borrowing costs for households and firms, thereby slowing spending and inflation. Japan was experiencing much lower rates of inflation—well below the Bank of Japan’s 2% annual inflation target—so the BOJ was reluctant to increase interest rates. As a consequence, the gap between the interest rate on 10-year U.S. Treasury notes and the interest rate on 10-year Japanese government bonds had risen to 2.9 percentage points.

Higher U.S. interest rates caused a shift to the right in the demand for dollars in exchange for yen as foreign investors exchanged their yen for dollars in order to buy U.S. Treasury securities and other U.S. financial assets. As we show in Chapter 18, Figure 18.13, an increase in the demand for dollars (holding all other factors constant) increases the equilibrium exchange rate between the yen and the dollar.

What effect does a stronger dollar and a weaker yen have on the two countries’ economies? A weaker yen means that the yen price of imports from the United States will be higher. The higher prices will increase the Japanese inflation rate, but with inflation being low in in the spring of 2022, Japanese policymakers weren’t concerned by this effect. And because the value of U.S. imports is small relative to the size of the Japanese economy, the effect on the inflation rate wouldn’t be large in any case. The dollar price of Japanese exports to the United States will be lower, which should help Japanese firms exporting to the United States.

The effect on the U.S. economy will be the mirror image of the effect on the Japanese economy. The dollar price of Japanese imports being lower will help reduce the U.S. inflation rate, but not to a great extent because the value of Japanese imports is small relative to the size of the U.S. economy. The yen price of U.S. exports to Japan will be higher, which will be bad news for U.S. firms exporting to Japan.

Finally, many banks, other financial firms, and non-financial firms borrow money in dollars. They do so because over time the advantages of borrowing dollars has increased, even for foreign firms that receive most of their revenue in their domestic currency rather than dollars. In particular, the value of the dollar is relatively stable compared with the value of many other currencies. In addition, the Federal Reserve has made available short-term dollar loans to foreign central banks that allow those banks to provide short-term loans to local firms that are having temporary difficulty making dollar payments on their loans. By late 2021, the total amount of dollar loans made outside of the United States had risen to more than $13 trillion. In the spring of 2022, the value of the dollar was rising not just against the Japanese yen but also against many other currencies. The increase was bad news for foreign firms borrowing in U.S. dollars because it would take more of their domestic currency to buy the dollars necessary to make their loans payments. A large and prolonged increase in the value of the U.S. dollar could possibly upset the stability of the international financial system.

Sources: Yuko Takeo and Komaki Ito, “Japan’s Stepped-Up Warnings Fail to Stem Yen’s Slide Past 128,” bloomberg.com, April 19, 2022; Jacky Wong, “Japan Gets a Taste of the Wrong Type of Inflation,” Wall Street Journal, April 1, 2022; Megumi Fujikawa, “Yen Hits Lowest Level Since 2015, and Japan, U.S. Are OK With That,” Wall Street Journal, March 28, 2022; Bank for International Settlements, “BIS International Banking Statistics and Global Liquidity Indicators at End-September 2021,” January 28, 2022; and Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis.

The U.S. Dollar in the World Economy

The U.S. dollar is the most important currency in the world economy. The funds that governments and central banks hold to carry out international transactions are called their official foreign exchange reserves. (See Macroeconomics, Chapter 18, Section 18.1 and Economics, Chapter 28, Section 28.1.) There are 180 national currencies in the world and foreign exchange reserves can be held in any of them. In practice, international transactions are conducted in only a few currencies. Because the U.S. dollar is used most frequently in international transactions, the majority of foreign exchange reserves are held in U.S. dollars. The following figure shows the composition of official foreign exchange reserves by currency as of mid-2021.

Over time, the percentage of foreign exchange reserves in U.S. dollars has been gradually declining, although the dollar seems likely to remain the dominant foreign reserve currency for a considerable period. Does the United States gain an advantage from being the most important foreign reserve currency? Economists and policymakers are divided in their views. At the most basic level, dollars are claims on U.S. goods and services and U.S. financial assets. When foreign governments, banks, corporations, and investors hold U.S. dollars rather than spending them, they are, in effect, providing the United States with interest-free loans. U.S. households and firms also benefit from often being able to use U.S. currency around the world when buying and selling goods and services and when borrowing, rather than first having to exchange dollars for other currencies.

But there are also disadvantages to the dollar being the dominant reserve currency. Because the dollar plays this role, the demand for the dollar is higher than it would otherwise be, which increases the exchange rate between the dollar and other currencies. If the dollar lost its status as the key foreign reserve currency, the exchange rate might decline by as much as 30 percent. A decline in the value of the dollar by that much would substantially increase exports of U.S. goods. Barry Eichengreen of the University of California, Berkeley, has noted that the result might be “a shift in the composition of what America exports from Treasury [bonds and other financial securities] … toward John Deere earthmoving equipment, Boeing Dreamliners, and—who knows—maybe even motor vehicles and parts.”

As shown in the following figure, the importance of the U.S. dollar in the world economy is also indicated by the sharp increase in the demand for dollars and, therefore, in the exchange rate during the financial crisis in the fall of 2008 and during the spread of Covid-19 in the spring of 2020. (The exchange rate in the figure is a weighted average of the exchange rates between the dollar and the currencies of the major trading partners of the United States.) As an article in the Economist put it: “Last March, when suddenly the priority was to have cash, the cash that people wanted was dollars.”

Sources: International Monetary Fund, “Currency Composition of Official Foreign Exchange Reserves,” data.imf.org; Alina Iancu, Neil Meads, Martin Mühleisen, and Yiqun Wu, “Glaciers of Global Finance: The Currency Composition of Central Banks’ Reserve Holdings,” blogs.imf.org, December 16, 2020; Barry Eichengreen, Exorbitant Privilege: The Rise and Fall of the Dollar and the Future of the International Monetary System, New York: Oxford University Press, 2001, p. 173; “How America’s Blockbuster Stimulus Affects the Dollar,” economist.com, March 13, 2021; and Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis.

Solved Problem: The Macroeconomic Effects of a Stronger Euro

Supports: Economics: Chapter 28 – Macroeconomics in an Open Economy (Section 28.2); Macroeconomics: Chapter 12, Section 12.2; and Essentials: Chapter 19 – Comparative Advantage, International Trade, and Exchange Rates (Section 19.6)

Solved Problem: The Macroeconomic Effects of a Stronger Euro

In December 2020, an article in the Wall Street Journal discussed the effects of changes in the value of the euro in exchange for the U.S. dollar. The article noted that: “A stronger euro makes exports from the region less competitive overseas” and that a stronger euro would also “damp inflation” in countries using the euro as their currency.

a. What does the article mean by a “stronger euro”? Why would a stronger euro make European exports less competitive?

b. What does the article mean by “damp inflation”? Why would a stronger euro damp inflation in countries using the euro?

Source: Caitlin Ostroff, “Euro Rally Weighs on Inflation, Sapping Appetite for Stocks,” Wall Street Journal, December 9, 2020.

Solving the Problem

Step 1: Review the chapter material. This problem is about the effect of changes in the exchange rate on a country’s (or region’s) imports and exports, so you may want to review Chapter 28, Section 28.2 “How Movements in Exchange Rates Affect Imports and Exports.”

Step 2: Answer part a. by explaining what a “stronger euro” means and why a stronger euro would make European exports less competitive. A stronger euro is one that exchanges for more dollars or, which amounts to the same thing, requires fewer euros to exchange for a dollar. (You may want to review the Apply the Concept “Is a Strong Currency Good for a Country?”) A stronger euro results in U.S. consumers having to pay more dollars to buy goods and services imported from Europe. In other words, the prices of European exports to the United States will rise making the exports less competitive with U.S.-produced goods or with other countries exports to the United States. If the euro is also becoming stronger against currencies such as the British pound, Japanese yen, and Chinese yuan, then European exports will also be less competitive in those countries.

Step 3: Answer part b. by explaining what “damp inflation” means and why a stronger euro would damp inflation in countries using the euro. To “damp inflation” is to reduce inflation. So the article is stating that a stronger euro will result in lower inflation in Europe. To understand why, remember that while a stronger euro will raise the dollar price of European exports to the United States, it will reduce the euro price of European imports from the United States (and from other countries if the euro is also becoming stronger against currencies such as the British pound, Japanese yen, and Chinese yuan). Inflation in a country is measured using the prices of goods and services that consumers purchase, whether those goods and services are produced domestically or are imported.