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As Expected, CPI Inflation Falls Slightly in July

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Today (August 12), the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) released its report on the consumer price index (CPI) for July. Lower energy and grocery prices contributed to a slight decline in the inflation rate in July compared with June.

The following figure compares headline CPI inflation (the blue line) and core CPI inflation (the red line).

The headline inflation rate, which is measured by the percentage change in the CPI from the same month in the previous year, was 3.4 percent in July, down from 3.5 percent in June.
The core inflation rate, which excludes the prices of food and energy, was 2.5 percent in July, down from 2.6 in June.

Headline inflation and core inflation were both equal to the forecasts of economists surveyed by FactSet. (Note that because of last year’s federal government shutdown, inflation data for October 2025 are not available.)

In the following figure, we look at the 1-month inflation rate for headline and core inflation—that is the annual inflation rate calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. Calculated as the 1-month inflation rate, both headline (the blue line) and core inflation (the red line) increased in July from the negative values in June. That is, the U.S. economy experienced deflation in June because the price level, measured by the CPI and by the CPI less food and energy prices, fell in that month.

In July, 1-month headline CPI inflation was 0.9 percent and 1-month core CPI inflation was 2.6 percent.

The following figure illustrates the role played by energy prices in contributing to the large swings in the monthly inflation rate since the conflict in Iran began at the end of February. The red line shows the 1-month inflation rate in all energy prices included in the CPI. Inflation in energy prices, which had increased at annual rate of 245 percent in March, declined at an annual rate of 16.4 percent in July. The blue line shows the 1-month inflation rate in gasoline prices, which in March had spiked to more than 900 percent measured at an annual rate, declined at an annual rate of 29.4 percent in July. A return to full-scale hostilities in the Middle East would increase oil prices, which would likely lead to an increase in the U.S. inflation rate.

There had been a fear that the rise in energy prices that began in March would pass through to increases in food prices, which are a key concern for many consumers. The following figure shows 1-month inflation in the CPI category “food at home” (the blue bar)—primarily food purchased at grocery stores—and the category “food away from home” (the red bar)—primarily food purchased at restaurants. Inflation in grocery prices, which increased 2.3 percent in June, declined 0.9 percent in July. Inflation in food prices away from home increased from 2.8 percent in June to 3.8 percent in July. To this point, increases in energy priced do not seem to have caused a significant increase in either grocery prices or restaurant prices.

Today’s relatively good inflation report, following last week’s report showing an unexpected decline in employment, has likely reduced the chance that Federal Reserve policymakers will increase their target for the federal funds rate at the next meeting of the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) on September 15–16. In trading in the federal funds futures market this afternoon, investors assigned a 62.1 percent probability to the FOMC keeping its target unchanged at that meeting, which was up from a 51.6 probability yesterday. Traders assign a 53.2 percent probability to the committee increasing its target at its October 27–28 meeting, down from 62.2 percent yesterday.

It’s worth noting, however, that inflation is still running above the Federal Reserve’s 2 percent annual inflation target. In testimony before Congress in a hearing on his nomination as Fed Chair, Kevin Warsh cautioned that good news in a single month’s inflation report should be treated with caution. Warsh has intentionally moved away from discussing the circumstances under which monetary policy might change in the future—so-called forward guidance. (We discuss forward guidance in Macroeconomics, Chapter 15 (Economics, Chapter 25)). Uncertainty about actions the FOMC may take during its three remaining meeting this year remains high.

CPI Inflation Comes in Below Expectations

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Today (July 14), the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) released its report on the consumer price index (CPI) for June. In May, higher energy prices caused by the conflict in Iran contributed to inflation increasing to the highest rate in more than three years. In June, as energy prices decreased, inflation experienced the largest one-month decrease since April 2020.

The following figure compares headline CPI inflation (the blue line) and core CPI inflation (the red line).

The headline inflation rate, which is measured by the percentage change in the CPI from the same month in the previous year, was 3.5 percent in June, down from 4.2 percent in May.
The core inflation rate, which excludes the prices of food and energy, declined from 2.8 percent in May to 2.6 percent in June.

Headline inflation and core inflation were both well below the forecasts of economists surveyed by FactSet. (Note that because of last year’s federal government shutdown, inflation data for October and November 2025 are not available.)

In the following figure, we look at the 1-month inflation rate for headline and core inflation—that is the annual inflation rate calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. Calculated as the 1-month inflation rate, both headline (the blue line) and core inflation (the red line) were negative in June. That is, the U.S. economy experienced deflation last month because the price level, measures by the CPI and by the CPI less food and energy prices, fell in June.

The following figure illustrates the role played by energy prices in causing the large swings in the monthly inflation rate since the conflict in Iran began at the end of February. The red line shows the 1-month inflation rate in all energy prices included in the CPI. Inflation in energy prices, which had increased at annual rate of 245 percent in March, fell at annual rate of 50.6 percent in June. The blue line shows the 1-month inflation rate in gasoline prices, which in March had spiked to more than 900 percent measured at an annual rate, fell at an annual rate of 70.6 percent in June. The recent escalation in the conflict in Iran has increased oil prices, which will likely lead to an increase in the inflation rate in July.

There has been a fear that the rise in energy prices that began in March would pass through to increases in food prices, which are a key concern for many consumers. The following figure shows 1-month inflation in the CPI category “food at home” (the blue bar)—primarily food purchased at grocery stores—and the category “food away from home” (the red bar)—primarily food purchased at restaurants. Inflation in grocery prices increased from 0.8 percent in May to a still fairly low 2.3 percent in June. Inflation in food prices away from home fell from 3.7 percent in May to 2.8 percent in June. To this point, increases in energy priced do not seem to have had much effect on grocery prices or on restaurant prices.

The unexpectedly large decline in inflation in today’s report has likely reduced the chance that Federal Reserve policymakers will increase their target for the federal funds rate at the next meeting of the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) on July 28–29. In trading in the federal funds futures market this morning, investors assigned a 83.4 percent probability to the FOMC keeping its target unchanged, which was up sharply from a 58.3 probability yesterday. Traders assign a 61.3 percent probability to the committee increasing its target at its September 15–16 meeting, down from 75.1 percent yesterday.

In testimony before Congress today after the CPI report was released, Fed Chair Kevin Warsh cautioned that good news in a single month’s inflation report should be treated with caution: “There might be some who look at today’s data and say ‘mission accomplished.’ That is not my view.”

CPI Inflation Highest Since 2023, but Slightly Below Expectations

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Today (June 10), the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) released its report on the consumer price index (CPI) for May. As expected, higher energy prices caused by the conflict in Iran have continued to result in high rates of inflation. The following figure compares headline CPI inflation (the blue line) and core CPI inflation (the red line).

The headline inflation rate, which is measured by the percentage change in the CPI from the same month in the previous year, was 4.2 percent in May, up from 3.8 in April. This was the highest inflation rate since April 2023.
The core inflation rate, which excludes the prices of food and energy, ticked up only slightly to 2.8 percent in May from 2.7 percent in April.

Headline inflation was equal to and core inflation was slightly lower than economists surveyed by FactSet had forecast. (Note that because of last year’s federal government shutdown, inflation data for October and November 2025 are not available.)

In the following figure, we look at the 1-month inflation rate for headline and core inflation—that is the annual inflation rate calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. Calculated as the 1-month inflation rate, headline inflation (the blue line) was high at 5.8 percent in May, but down from a very high 8.0 percent in April and 10.9 percent in March. Core inflation (the red line) was 2.5 percent in May, down significantly from 4.6 percent in April.

The following figure emphasizes the role played by energy prices in causing the jump in inflation. The blue line shows the 1-month inflation rate in all energy prices included in the CPI. Inflation in energy prices increased from a very high 56.6 percent in April to a slightly higher 58.8 percent in May. The red line shows the 1-month inflation rate in gasoline prices, which rose from a very high 88.8 percent in April to an even higher 126.4 percent in May.

Did the jump in energy prices pass through to increases in food prices, which are a key concern for many consumers? The following figure shows 1-month inflation in the CPI category “food at home” (the blue bar)—primarily food purchased at grocery stores—and the category “food away from home” (the red bar)—primarily food purchased at restaurants. Inflation in grocery prices slowed markedly to 0.8 percent in May from 8.5 percent in April. Inflation in food prices away from home was 3.7 percent in May, up from 2.8 percent in April. April’s very high rate of increase in grocery prices was due to rising energy prices, but also to sharp increases in beef and fruit and vegetable prices, which had risen for reasons largely unrelated to higher energy costs. Consumers enjoyed some relief in May from the sharp decrease in the rate of increase in grocery prices.

This inflation report is unlikely to have much effect on Fed policymakers as they prepare for the next meeting of the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) on June 16–17—Kevin Warsh’s first meeting as Fed chair. Persistently high inflation rates combined with relatively strong data on economic growth and employment make it more likely that the FOMC will increase, rather than cut, its target for the federal funds rate later in the year.

At this point, trading in the federal funds futures market indicates that investors believe that its unlikely that the committee will raise or lower its target for the federal funds rate at its June, July, or September meetings. This morning, investors assigned a 48.6 percent probability of the FOMC raising its target for the federal funds rate at its October 27–28 meeting and a 66.2 percent of doing so at its meeting on December 8–9.

A Double Dose of Bad Inflation News

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This morning, the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) released its report on the consumer price index (CPI) for March. Yesterday, the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) released monthly data on the personal consumption expenditures (PCE) price index for February as part of its “Personal Income and Outlays” report. Both reports showed that the inflation has worsened. Note that data for the PCE were collected before the beginning of the conflict with Iran.

CPI Inflation jumped to a level well above the Federal Reserve’s 2 percent annual inflation target. The following figure compares headline CPI inflation (the blue line) and core CPI inflation (the red line). Because of the effects of the federal government shutdown, the BLS didn’t report inflation rates for October or November, so both lines show gaps for those months.

The headline inflation rate, which is measured by the percentage change in the CPI from the same month in the previous year, was 3.3 percent in March, up from 2.4 percent in February.
The core inflation rate, which excludes the prices of food and energy, was 2.6 percent in March, up only slightly from 2.5 percent in February.

Headline inflation was equal to the forecast of economists surveyed by the Wall Street Journal but well below the 3.7 percent rate forecast by economists surveyed by FactSet. Core inflation was slightly below the forecast of 2.7 percent in both surveys. Higher energy prices drove the jump in CPI inflation.

In the following figure, we look at the 1-month inflation rate for headline and core inflation—that is the annual inflation rate calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. Calculated as the 1-month inflation rate, headline inflation (the blue line) was 10.9 percent in March, up from 3.2 percent in February. Core inflation (the red line) actually decreased to 2.4 in March from 2.6 percent in February.

The following figure emphasizes the role paid by energy prices in causing the jump in inflation. The blue line shows the 1-month inflation rate in all energy prices included in the CPI. The red line shows the 1-month inflation rate in gasoline prices—which was an astounding 907.4 percent.

Did the jump in energy prices pass through to increases in food prices, which are a key concern for many consumers? The following figure shows 1-month inflation in the CPI category “food at home” (the blue bar)—primarily food purchased at grocery stores—and the category “food away from home” (the red bar)—primarily food purchased at restaurants. Inflation in both measures fell in March, indicating that they hadn’t (yet?) been affected by rising energy prices. Food at home actually decreased by 1.9 percent in March after increasing by 5.4 percent in February. Food away from home increased 2.9 percent in March, down from 3.9 percent in February.

Turning now to PCE inflation for February. The following figure shows headline PCE inflation (the blue line) and core PCE inflation (the red line)—which excludes energy and food prices—with inflation measured as the percentage change in the PCE from the same month in the previous year. Headline PCE inflation was 2.8 percent in February, unchanged from January. Core PCE inflation was 3.0 percent in February, down slight from 3.1 percent in January . Headline inflation was slightly higher and core inflation was equal to the forecast of economists surveyed by FactSet.

The following figure shows 1-month headline PCE inflation and core PCE. Measured this way, headline PCE inflation increased from 3.7 percent in January to 4.6 percent in February. Core PCE inflation declined from 4.8 percent in January to 4.5 percent in February. So, even before the effects of the escalation in energy prices, both 1-month and 12-month PCE inflation are telling the same story of inflation above the Fed’s target—well above in the case of 1-month inflation. These numbers raise significant concern about whether inflation was making progress toward the Fed’s 2 percent target even before the effects of the rise in energy prices.

Fed Chair Jerome Powell has frequently mentioned that inflation in non-market services can skew PCE inflation. Non-market services are services whose prices the BEA imputes rather than measures directly. For instance, the BEA assumes that prices of financial services—such as brokerage fees—vary with the prices of financial assets. So that if stock prices rise, the prices of financial services included in the PCE price index also rise. Powell has argued that these imputed prices “don’t really tell us much about … tightness in the economy. They don’t really reflect that.” The following figure shows 12-month headline inflation (the blue line) and 12-month core inflation (the red line) for market-based PCE. (The BEA explains the market-based PCE measure here.)

Headline market-based PCE inflation was 2.7 percent in February, up slightly from 2.6 percent in January. Core market-based PCE inflation was 2.9 percent in February, up slightly from 2.8 percent in January. So, both market-based measures show inflation as stable but well above the Fed’s 2 percent target.

In the following figure, we look at 1-month inflation using these measures. One-month headline market-based inflation increased to 2.1 percent in November from 1.3 percent in October. One-month core market-based inflation fell to 1.3 percent in November from 2.0 percent in October. So, in November, 1-month market-based inflation was at or below the Fed’s annual inflation target. As the figure shows, the 1-month inflation rates are more volatile than the 12-month rates, which is why the Fed relies on the 12-month rates when gauging how close it is coming to hitting its target inflation rate.

What effect are these troubling inflation reports likely to have on the Fed’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) at its next meeting on April 28–29—likely Jerome Powell’s last meeting as Fed chair? Economists generally recommend that central banks “look through”—that is, take no action—in response to a supply shock. A supply shock ordinarily results in a one-time increase in the price level, rather than a long-lasting increase in inflation. Fed policymakers, though, are aware that inflation has been running above their 2 percent target for more than five years. The possibility that even a temporary spike in inflation might result in a significant increase in the inflation rate that households and firms expect is a concern. At this point, investors in the federal funds futures market assign only a very small probability to the FOMC raising or lowering its target for the federal funds rate at the next several meetings. Following the next meeting, Powell will give his thoughts on these and other issues at a press conference.

CPI Inflation Comes in about as Expected

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The news this morning on inflation was ho-hum. The Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) released its report on the consumer price index (CPI) for February. Inflation was about as expected and remained moderately above the Federal Reserve’s 2 percent annual inflation target. The following figure compares headline CPI inflation (the blue line) and core CPI inflation (the red line). Because of the effects of the federal government shutdown, the BLS didn’t report inflation rates for October or November, so both lines show gaps for those months.

The headline inflation rate, which is measured by the percentage change in the CPI from the same month in the previous year, was 2.4 percent in February, unchanged from January.
The core inflation rate, which excludes the prices of food and energy, was 2.5 percent in February, also unchanged from January.

Headline and core inflation were both equal to the forecasts of economists surveyed by the Wall Street Journal.

In the following figure, we look at the 1-month inflation rate for headline and core inflation—that is the annual inflation rate calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. Calculated as the 1-month inflation rate, headline inflation (the blue line) was 3.2 percent in February, up from 2.1 percent in January. Core inflation (the red line) decreased to 2.6 percent in February from 3.6 percent in January.

The 1-month and 12-month headline and core inflation rates are telling similar stories, with both measures indicating that the rate of price increase is running somewhat above the Fed’s 2 percent inflation target.

Of course, it’s important not to overinterpret the data from a single month. The figure shows that the 1-month inflation rate is particularly volatile. Also note that the Fed uses the personal consumption expenditures (PCE) price index, rather than the CPI, to evaluate whether it is hitting its 2 percent annual inflation target. February data on the PCE will be released on Friday.

In recent months, there have been many media reports on how consumers are concerned about declining affordability. Affordability has no exact interpretation but typically means concern about inflation in goods and services that consumers buy frequently.

Many consumers seem worried about inflation in food prices. The following figure shows 1-month inflation in the CPI category “food at home” (the blue bar)—primarily food purchased at groceries stores—and the category “food away from home” (the red bar)—primarily food purchased at restaurants. Inflation in both measures rose in February. Food at home increased 5.4 percent in February, up from 2.3 percent in January. Food away from home increased 3.9 percent in February, up from 1.8 percent in January. Again, 1-month inflation rates can be volatile.

Gasoline prices, which bounce around a lot from month to month, were up in February. The following figure shows 1-month inflation in gasoline prices. In February the price of gasoline increase at an annual rate of 10.1 percent, after having fallen at an annual rate of 32.2 percent in January. These data were gathered before the increase in gasoline prices caused by the conflict in Iran. The increase in food and gasoline prices helped push headline inflation above core inflation in February.

The affordability discussion has also focused on the cost of housing. The price of shelter in the CPI, as explained here, includes both rent paid for an apartment or a house and “owners’ equivalent rent of residences (OER),” which is an estimate of what a house (or apartment) would rent for if the owner were renting it out. OER is included in the CPI to account for the value of the services an owner receives from living in an apartment or house. The following figure shows 1-month inflation in shelter.

One-month inflation in shelter, which has been trending down since early 2023, increased slightly to 2.8 percent in February from 2.7 in January.

It’s unlikely that this inflation report will have much effect on the views of the members of the Federal Reserve’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC). The FOMC is unlikely to lower its target for the federal funds rate at its next meeting on March 17–18. The probability that investors in the federal funds futures market assign to the FOMC keeping its target rate unchanged at that meeting increased only slightly from 98.4 percent yesterday to 99.4 percent this afternoon.

CPI Inflation Comes in Lower than Expected

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There was good news this morning on inflation. (Although maybe not quite good enough to justify the exuberance of the people in the AI-generated image above!) The Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) released its report on the consumer price index (CPI) for January. The following figure compares headline CPI inflation (the blue line) and core CPI inflation (the red line). Because of the effects of the federal government shutdown, the BLS didn’t report inflation rates for October or November, so both lines show gaps for those months. (Today’s report was delayed two days by the recent brief government shutdown.)

The headline inflation rate, which is measured by the percentage change in the CPI from the same month in the previous year, was 2.4 percent in January, down from 2.7 percent in December.
The core inflation rate, which excludes the prices of food and energy, was 2.5 percent in January, down from 2.6 percent in December.

Headline inflation was lower than the forecast of economists surveyed by FactSet, while core inflation was at the forecast rate.

In the following figure, we look at the 1-month inflation rate for headline and core inflation—that is the annual inflation rate calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. Calculated as the 1-month inflation rate, headline inflation (the blue line) was 2.1 percent in January, down from 3.6 percent in December. Core inflation (the red line) increased to 3.6 percent in January from 2.8 percent in December.

The 1-month and 12-month headline inflation rates are telling similar stories, with both measures indicating that the rate of price increase is running slightly above the Fed’s 2 percent inflation target. The 1-month core inflation rate shows inflation running well above the Fed’s target.

In recent months, there have been many media reports on how consumers are concerned about declining affordability. These concerns are thought to have contributed to Zohran Mamdani’s victory in New York City mayoral race. Affordability has no exact interpretation but typically means concern about inflation in goods and services that consumers buy frequently.

Many consumers seem worried about inflation in food prices. The following figure shows 1-month inflation in the CPI category “food at home” (the blue bar)—primarily food purchased at groceries stores—and the category “food away from home” (the red bar)—primarily food purchased at restaurants. Inflation in both measures fell in January from the very high leves of December. Food at home increased 2.3 percent in January, down sharply from up from 7.8 percent in December. Food away from home increased 1.8 percent in January, also down sharply from 8.7 percent in December. Again, 1-month inflation rates can be volatile, but the deceleration in inflation in food prices would be a welcome development if it can be sustained in future months.

There was also good news in the falling price of gasoline. The following figure shows 1-month inflation in gasoline prices. In January the price of gasoline fell at an annual rate of 32.2 percent, after having fallen at an annual rate of 4.0 percent in December. As those values imply, 1-month inflation rates in gasoline are quite volatile.

One-month inflation in shelter decreased to 2.7 percent in January from 4.7 in December, which is also good news if it can be sustained.

What effect have the tariffs that the Trump administration announced on April 2 had on inflation? (Note that many of the tariff increases announced on April 2 have since been reduced.) There has been a debate among policymakers and economists as to whether the full effects of tariff increases have already shown up in prices of final goods. In his press conference following the last meeing of the Fed’s Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC), Fed Chair Jerome Powell indicated that he believed that tariffs would cause further price increases later in the year:

“The U.S. economy has pushed right through [the tariff increases]. Partly that is—that the way that what was implemented was significantly less than what was announced at the beginning. In addition, other countries didn’t retaliate, and, in addition, a good part of it hasn’t been passed through to consumers yet. It’s being—it’s being taken by companies that stand between the consumer and the exporter.”

The following figure shows 12-month inflation in durable goods—such as furniture, appliances, and cars—which are likely to be affected directly by tariffs, and 12-month inflation in services, which are less likely to be affected by tariffs. In January, inflation in durable goods was 0.4 percent, down from 1.2 percent in December. Inflation in services was 3.2 percent in January, down slightly from 3.3 percent in December. So to this point, upward pressure on goods prices from the tariffs is not reflected in the most recent data.

It’s unlikely that this inflation report will have much effect on the views of the members of the FOMC. The FOMC is unlikely to lower its target for the federal funds rate at its next meeting on March 17–18. The probability that investors in the federal funds futures market assign to the FOMC keeping its target rate unchanged at that meeting declined only slightly from 91.6 percent yesterday to 90.2 percent after the release of today’s inflation report.

Overall CPI Inflation Is Steady While Inflation in Grocery and Restaurant Prices Increases

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This morning (January 13), the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) released its report on the consumer price index (CPI) for December. The following figure compares headline CPI inflation (the blue line) and core CPI inflation (the red line). Because of the effects of the federal government shutdown, the BLS didn’t report inflation rates for October or November, so both lines show gaps for those months.

The headline inflation rate, which is measured by the percentage change in the CPI from the same month in the previous year, was 2.7 percent in December..
The core inflation rate, which excludes the prices of food and energy, was 2.6 percent in December.

Headline inflation was the same as economists surveyed by FactSet had forecast, while core inflation was slightly lower.

Calculated as the 1-month inflation rate, headline inflation (the blue line) was 3.8 percent in December, the same as in September which is the most recent month with data. Core inflation (the red line) was up slightly to 2.9 percent in December from 2.8 percent in September.

The 1-month and 12-month inflation rates are telling similar stories, with both measures indicating that the rate of price increase is running moderately above the Fed’s 2 percent inflation target.

Many consumers seem worried about inflation in food prices. The following figure shows 1-month inflation in the CPI category “food at home” (the blue bar)—primarily food purchased at groceries stores—and the category “food away from home” (the red bar)—primarily food purchased at restaurants. Both measures increased rapidly in December. Food at home increased 9.0 percent in December, up from 4.0 percent in September. Food away from home increased 8.7 percent in December, up from 1.7 percent in September. Again, 1-month inflation rates can be volatile, but these large increases in food prices in December may help explain the recent focus on affordability.

The news on changes in the price of gasoline was better for consumers. The following figure shows 1-month inflation in gasoline prices. In December, the price of gasoline fell by 5.3 percent after a very large 41.9 percent in November. As those values imply, 1-month inflation rates in gasoline are quite volatile.

One-month inflation in shelter jumped in December to 5.0 percent from 2.5 percent in September, although it was down from 5.4 percent in August.

Overall, then, inflation in food and shelter was high in December, although gasoline prices fell in that month.

This CPI report is unlikely to affect the action the Federal Reserve’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) may take at its next meeting on January 27–28. Investors who buy and sell federal funds futures contracts assign a very high probability to the FOMC leaving its target for the federal funds rate unchanged at that meeting as well as at its meeting on March 17–18. Investors don’t expect the committee to cut its target range for the federal funds rate until its June 16–17 meeting. (We discuss the futures market for federal funds in this blog post.)

By the time of the FOMC’s June meeting, the committee will have several additional months’ data on inflation, employment, and output. Jerome Powell’s term as Fed chair will end on May 15, so presumably the FOMC will have a new chair at that meeting. (This blog post from yesterday includes Powell’s response to the news that he is under investigation by the U.S. Department of Justice and a statement by Glenn and other economists who have served in government objecting to the investigation because they believe that it will undermine the independence of the Fed. We discuss the issue of Fed independence in Macroeconomics, Chapter 17 (Economics, Chapter 27) and Money, Banking, and the Financial System, Chapter 13.)

Inflation, Disinflation, Deflation, and Consumers’ Perceptions of Inflation

Inflation has declined, although many consumers are skeptical. What explains consumer skepticism? First we can look at what’s happened to inflation in the period since the beginning of 2015. The figure below shows inflation measured as the percentage change in the consumer price index (CPI) from the same month in the previous year. We show both so-called headline inflation, which includes the prices of all goods and services in the index, and core inflation, which excludes energy and food prices. Because energy and food prices can be volatile, most economists believe that the core inflation provides a better indication of underlying inflation.

Both measures show inflation following a similar path. The inflation rate begins increasing rapidly in the spring of 2021, reaches a peak in the summer of 2022, and declines from there. Headline CPI peaks at 8.9 percent in June 2022 and declines to 3.7 percent in August 2023. Core inflation reaches a peak of 6.6 percent in September 2022 and declines to 4.4 percent in August 2022.

As we discuss in Macroeconomics, Chapter 15, Section 15.5 (Economics, Chapter 25, Section 25.5, and Essentials of Economics, Chapter 17, Section 17.5), the Fed’s inflation target is stated in terms of the personal consumption expenditure (PCE) price index, not the CPI. The PCE includes the prices of all the goods and services included in the consumption component of GDP. Because the PCE includes the prices of more goods and services than does the CPI, it’s a broader measure of inflation. The following figure shows inflation as measured by the PCE and by the core PCE, which excludes energy and food prices.

Inflation measured using the PCE or the core PCE shows the same pattern as inflation measured using the CPI: A sharp increase in inflation in the spring of 2021, a peak in the summer of 2022, and a decline thereafter.

Although it has yet to return to the Fed’s 2 percent target, the inflation rate has clearly fallen substantially during the past year. Yet surveys of consumers show that majorities are unconvinced that inflation has been declining. A Pew Research Center poll from June found that 65 percent of respondents believe that inflation is “a very big problem,” with another 27 percent believing that inflation is “a moderately big problem.” A Gallup poll from earlier in the year found that 67 percent of respondents thought that inflation would go up, while only 29 percent thought it would go down. Perhaps not too surprisingly, another Gallup poll found that only 4 percent of respondents had a “great deal” of confidence in Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell, with another 32 percent having a “fair amount” of confidence. Fifty-four percent had either “only a little” confidence in Powell or “almost none.”

There are a couple of reasons why most consumers might believe that the Fed is doing worse in its fight against inflation than the data indicate. First, few people follow the data releases as carefully as economists do. As a result, there can be a lag between developments in the economy—such as declining inflation—and when most people realize that the development has occurred.

Probably more important, though, is the fact that most people think of inflation as meaning “high prices” rather than “increasing prices.” Over the past year the U.S. economy has experienced disinflation—a decline in the inflation rate. But as long as the inflation rate is positive, the price level continues to increase. Only deflation—a declining price level—would lead to prices actually falling. And an inflation rate of 3 percent to 4 percent, although considerably lower than the rates in mid-2022, is still significantly higher than the inflation rates of 2 percent or below that prevailed during most of the time since 2008.

Although, core CPI and core PCE exclude energy and food prices, many consumers judge the state of inflation by what’s happening to gasoline prices and the price of food in supermarkets. These are products that consumers buy frequently, so they are particularly aware of their prices. The figure below shows the component of the CPI that represents the prices of food consumers buy in groceries or supermarkets and prepare at home. The price of food rose rapidly beginning in the spring of 2021. Althought increases in food prices leveled off beginning in early 2023, they were still about 24 percent higher than before the pandemic.

There is a similar story with respect to gasoline prices. Although the average price of gasoline in August 2023 at $3.84 per gallon is well below its peak of nearly $5.00 per gallon in June 2022, it is still well above average gasoline prices in the years leading up to the pandemic.

Finally, the figure below shows that while percentage increases in rent are below their peak, they are still well above the increases before and immediately after the recession of 2020. (Note that rents as included in the CPI include all rents, not just rental agreements that were entered into that month. Because many rental agreements, particularly for apartments in urban areas, are for one year or more, in any given month, rents as measured in the CPI may not accurately reflect what is currently happening in rental housing markets.)

Because consumers continue to pay prices that are much higher than the prices they were paying prior to the pandemic, many consider inflation to still be a problem. Which is to say, consumers appear to frequently equate inflation with high prices, even when the inflation rate has markedly declined and prices are increasing more slowly than they were.

Would Cutting the Federal Excise Tax on Gasoline Lower the Price that Consumers Pay?

The federal government levies an excise tax of 18.4 cents per gallon of gasoline. (An excise tax is a tax that a government imposes on a particular product. In addition to the tax on gasoline, the federal government imposes excise taxes on tobacco, alcohol, airline tickets, and a few other products.) In February 2022, inflation was running at the highest level in several decades. The average retail price of gasoline across the country had risen to $3.50 per gallon from $2.60 per gallon a year earlier. The following figure shows fluctuations in the retail price of gasoline since January 2000.

Policymakers were looking for ways to lessen the effects of inflation on consumers. An article in the Wall Street Journalreported that several Democratic members of the U.S. Senate, including Mark Kelly of Arizona, Maggie Hassan of New Hampshire, and Raphael Warnock of Georgia proposed that the federal excise tax on gasoline be suspended for the remainder of 2022. The sponsors of the proposal believed that cutting the tax would reduce the price of gasoline that consumers pay at the pump. Other members of the Senate weren’t so sure, with one quoted as saying that cutting the tax was “not going to change anything” and another arguing that oil companies would receive most of the benefit of the tax cut.

Some members of Congress were opposed to suspending the gasoline tax because the revenue raised from the tax is placed in the highway trust fund, which helps to pay for federal contributions to highway building and repair and for mass transit. In that sense, the gasoline tax follows the benefits-received principle, under which people who receive benefits from a government program—in this case, highway maintenance—should help pay for the program. (We discuss the principles for evaluating taxes in Microeconomics, Chapter 17, Section 17.2 and in Economics, Chapter 17, Section 17.2) Other members of Congress were opposed to suspending the tax because they believe that the tax helps to reduce the quantity of gasoline consumed, thereby helping to slow climate change.

Focusing just on the question of the effect of suspending the tax on the retail price of gasoline, what can we conclude? The question is one of tax incidence, which looks at the actual division of the burden of a tax between buyers and sellers in a market. In other words, tax incidence looks beyond the fact that gasoline stations collect the tax and send the revenue to federal government to the issue of who actually pays the tax. As we note in Chapter 17, Section 17.3:

When the demand for a product is less elastic than supply, consumers pay the majority of the tax on the product. When the demand for a product is more elastic than supply, firms pay the majority of the tax on the product.

Consumers would receive all of the tax cut—that is, the retail price of gasoline would fall by 18.4 cents—only in the polar case where the demand for gasoline were perfectly price inelastic. Similarly, consumers would receive none of the tax cut and the price of gasoline would remain unchanged—so oil companies would receive all of the tax cut—only in the polar case where the demand for gasoline is perfectly price inelastic. (It’s a worthwhile exercise to show these two cases using demand and supply graphs.)

In the real world, we would expect to be somewhere in between these two cases, with consumers receiving some of the benefit of suspending the tax and producers receiving the remainder of the benefit. The short-run price elasticity of demand for gasoline is quite small; according to one estimate it is only −.06. The short-run price elasticity of supply of gasoline is likely to be somewhat larger than that in absolute value, which means that we would expect that consumers would receive the majority of the tax cut. (Note that we would expect the long-run price elasticities of demand and supply to both be larger for reasons we discuss in Chapter 6, Section 6.2 and 6.6.) In other words, the retail price of gasoline would fall, holding all other factors constant, but not by the full tax cut of 18.4 cents.

Joseph Doyle of MIT and Krislert Samphantharak of the University of California, San Diego studied the effect of suspension in the state excise tax on gasoline in Indiana and Illinois in 2000. In that year, Indiana suspended collecting its gasoline excise tax for 120 days and Illinois suspended its tax for 184 days. The authors estimate that consumers received about 70 percent of the tax cut in the form of lower gasoline prices. If we apply that estimate to the federal gasoline tax, then suspending the tax would lower the price of gasoline by about 12.9 cents per gallon, holding all other factors that affect the price of gasoline constant. As the above figure shows, the retail price of gasoline frequently fluctuates up and down by more than 12.9 cents, even over fairly brief periods of time. In that sense, the effect on the gasoline market of suspending the federal excise tax on gasoline would be relatively small.

Sources: Andrew Duehren and Richard Rubin, “Some Lawmakers Want to Halt Gas Tax Amid High Inflation. Others See a Gimmick,” Wall Street Journal, February 16, 2022; Tony Romm and Jeff Stein, “White House, Congressional Democrats Eye Pause of Federal Gas Tax as Prices Remain High, Election Looms,” Washington Post, February 15, 2022; Joseph J. Doyle, Jr., Krislert Samphantharak, “$2.00 Gas! Studying the Effects of a Gas Tax Moratorium,” Journal of Public Economics, Vol. 92, No.s 3-4, April 2008, pp. 869-884; and Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis.