Solved Problem: The Houthis and the Price Elasticity of Demand for Shipping

Map from the Wall Street Journal.

Supports: Microeconomics and Economics Chapter 6, Section 6.2 and Esstentials of Economics, Chapter 7, Section 7.6.

The Houthis, a rebel group based in Yemen, have been attacking shipping in the Red Sea, which freighters sail through after exiting the Suez Canal. About 30 percent of global shipping travels through the Suez Canal. An article in the Financial Times noted that maritime insurance firms have increased their charges for insuring freight passing through the Suez Canal by about $6,000 per container.” The article also noted that: “Freight demand is price inelastic in the short run and transport isn’t a big part of overall costs.” And that “the average container holds about $100,000 worth of goods wholesale, which will be sold at destination for $300,000.”  

  1. Is there a connection between the observation that freight demand is price inelastic and the observation that the charge for transporting goods isn’t a large fraction of the price of the goods shipped by container? Briefly explain.
  2. The article notes that the main alternative to transporting freight by ship is to transport it by air, but if only 1 percent of freight sent by ship were to be sent by air instead, all the available flight capacity would be filled. Does this fact also have relevance to explaining the price inelasticity of demand for transporting freight by ship? Briefly explain.

Solving the Problem

Step 1: Review the chapter material. This problem is about the determinants of the price elasticity of demand, so you may want to review Microeconomics and Economics, Chapter 6, Section 6.2 (Essentials of Economics, Chapter 7, Section 7.6), “The Determinants of the Price Elasticity of Demand and Total Revenue.”

Step 2: Answer part a. by explaining why the small fraction that transportation is of the total price of the goods in a container of freight makes it more likely that the demand for shipping is price inelastic in the short run.  This section of the chapter notes that goods and services that are only a small fraction of a consumer’s budget tend to have less elastic demand than do goods and services that are a large faction. In this case, the consumer is a firm shipping freight. Because the $6,000 increase per container in the cost of shipping freight makes up only 2 percent of the dollar amount the freight can be sold for, shippers are likely not to significantly reduce the quantity of shipping services they demand. Note, though, that the article refers to the price elasticity of freight demand “in the short run.” It’s possible that over a longer period of time the market for transporting freight by ship may adjust by, for instance, firms offering to ship freight by air increasing their capacity and lowering their prices. In that case, the price elasticity of demand for transporting freight by ship will be higher in the long run than in the short tun.

Step 3: Answer part b. by explaining whether the limited amount of available capacity for sending freight by air may help explain why the demand for sending freight by ship is price inelastic.  This section of the chapter notes that the most important determinant of the price elasticity of demand for a good or service is the availability of close substitutes. That there is only a small amount of unused capacity to transport goods by air indicates that transporting goods by air is not a close substitute for transporting goods by sea. Therefore, we would expect that this factor contributes to the demand for transporting goods by sea being price inelastic in the short run.

California Deals with the Paradox of Tobacco Taxes

(Photo from Zuma Press via the Wall Street Journal.)

When state and local governments impose taxes on sales of liquor, on cigarettes and other tobacco products, or on soda and other sweetened beverages, they typically have two objectives: (1) Discourage consumption of the taxed goods, and (2) raise revenue to pay for government services.  As we discuss in Chapter 6 of Microeconomics (also Economics, Chapter 6), these objectives can be at odds with each other. The tax revenue a government receives depends on both the size of the tax and the number of units sold. Therefore, the more successful a tax is in significantly reducing, say, sales of cigarettes, the less tax revenue the government receives from the tax.

As we discuss in Chapter 6, a tax on a good shifts the supply curve for the good up by the amount of the tax. (We think it’s intuitively easier to think of a tax as shifting up a supply curve, but analytically the effect on equilibrium is the same if we illustrate the effect of the tax by shifting down the demand curve for the taxed good by the amount of the tax.)  A tax will raise the equilibrium price consumers pay and reduce the equilibrium quantity of the taxed good that they buy. For a supply curve of a given price elasticity in the relevant range of prices, how much a tax increases equilibrium  price relative to how much it decreases equilibrium quantity is determined by the price elasticity of demand. 

The following figure illustrates these points. If a city implements a tax of $0.75 per 2-liter bottle of soda, the supply curve shifts up from S1 to S2. If demand is price elastic, the equilibrium price increases from $1.75 to $2.00, while the equilibrium quantity falls from 90,000 bottles per day to 70,000. If demand is price inelastic, the equilibrium price rises by more, but the equilibrium quantity falls by less. Therefore, a more price elastic demand curve is good news for objective (1) above—soda consumption falls by more—but bad news for the amount of tax revenue the government collects. When the demand for soda is price inelastic, the government collects tax revenue of $0.75 per bottle multiplied by 80,000 bottles, or $60,000 per day. When the demand for soda is price elastic, the government collects tax revenue of $0.75 per bottle multiplied by 70,000 bottles, or only $52,500 per day.

One further point: We would expect the amount of revenue the government earns from the tax to decline over time, holding constant other variables that might affect the market for the taxed good, . This conclusion follows from the fact that demand typically becomes more price elastic over time. In other words, when a tax is first imposed (or an existing tax is increased), consumers are likely to reduce purchases of the taxed good less in the short run than in the long run. This result can a problem for governments that make a commitment to use the tax revenues for a particular purpose.

A recent article in the Los Angeles Times highlighted this last point. In 1999, California voters passed Proposition 10, which increased the tax on cigarettes by $0.50 per pack, with similar tax increases on other tobacco products. The tax revenues were dedicated to funding “First 5” state government agencies, which are focused on providing services to children 5 years old and younger.  The article notes, as the above analysis would lead us to expect, that the additional revenue the state received from the tax increase was largest in the first year and has gradually declined since as the quantity of cigarettes and other tobacco products sold has fallen. (Note that over such a long period of time, other factors in addition to the effects of the tax have contributed to the decline in smoking in California.) As a result, the state and county governments have had to scramble to find additional sources of funds for the First 5 agencies. The article quotes Deborah Daro, a researcher at the University of Chicago, as noting: “It seemed like a brilliant solution—tax the sinners who are smoking to help newborns and their parents …. But then people stopped smoking, which from a public health perspective is great, but from a funding perspective for First 5—they don’t have another funding stream.”

The Price Elasticity of Demand for Subway and Bus Rides

Supports: Microeconomics, Chapter 6, Section 6.3, Economics, Chapter 6, Section 6.3, and Essentials of Economics, Chapter 7, Section 7.7.

New York City subway. (Photo from the New York Times.)

An article on Crain’s New York Business noted that the Metropolitan Transit Authority (MTA), which runs New York City’s public transportation system was increasing the fare for a bus or subway ride from $2.75 to $2.90. The article noted that: “Revenue generated by the fare increase is expected to cover the [MTA’s] operating expenses and help keep up with inflation.”

a.  What is the MTA assuming about the price elasticity of demand for subway and bus rides in New York City? How plausible do you find this assumption? Briefly explain.

b. What is the largest percentage decline in subway and bus rides that the MTA can experience and still meet its revenue expectations?

Solving the Problem

Step 1:  Review the chapter material. This problem is about the relationship between a price increase on quantity demanded and revenue, so you may want to review the section “The Relationship between Price Elasticity of Demand and Total Revenue.”

Step 2:  Answer part (a) by explaining what the MTA is assuming about the price elasticity of demand for subway and bus rides, and comment on the plausibility of this assumption. If the MTA is expecting that an increase in the price of a subway and bus ride will increase the total revenue it earns from these rides, it must be assuming that the demand for subway and bus rides is price inelastic. If the demand were price elastic, the MTA would earn less revenue following the price increase.

 As we saw in Chapter 6, Section 6.2, the most important determinant of elasticity is the existence of substitutes. In a big city, the most important substitutes to taking public transportation are: (1) people walking, (2) people driving their own cars, or (3) people using a ride-hailing service, such as Uber and Lyft.  People who live close to their destination and who were indifferent between walking and taking public transportation before the price increase, are likely to switch to walking. Given the size of a city like New York, we might expect the number of these people to be relatively small. Driving your own car in a big city has the drawback that heavy traffic may mean it takes longer to drive than to take the bus or subway and paying for parking can be expensive. Using Uber or Lyft is also much more expensive than taking public transportation and may also be slow. It seems likely that current users of public transportation in New York City don’t see these alternatives as close substitutes for the bus or subway. So, it’s plausible for the MTA to assume that the demand for subway and bus rides is price inelastic. 

Step 3:  Answer part (b) by calculating the largest percentage decline in bus and subway rides that the MTA can experience and still meet its revenue expectations. The MTA is increasing the price of subway and bus rides from $2.75 to $2.90 per ride. That is a ($0.15/$2.75) × 100 = 5.5 percent increase. (Note that we would get a somewhat different result if we used the midpoint formula described in Section 6.1.) For the MTA’s revenue to increase as a result of the price increase, the percentage decrease in the quantity demanded of subway rides must be less than the percentage increase in the price. Therefore, the price increase can’t result in a decline of more than 5.5 percent. 

Source:  Caroline Spivak, “Subway and Bus Fares Will Increase Starting Sunday,” crainesnewyork.com, August 18, 2023.